As you can see from the brief biography of Yulia Tymoshenko, it was thanks to this woman that Ukraine found its first female prime minister. Currently, Yulia is the first woman in the CIS who has achieved such a high political status. Many predict success in the upcoming elections to her. Yulia is rightly considered one of the most powerful and promising Ukrainian politicians, and even experienced analysts do not undertake to predict her career.
How it all began
The date of birth of the famous politician is November 27, the year of birth is 1960. The girl was born in Dnepropetrovsk. Family members are considered the indigenous inhabitants of the locality. Yulia's mother's name is Lyudmila, father's name is Vladimir. It is known that the father left relatives when the child was only two years old. It is known that Yulia's grandmother's name was Maria, and her grandfather's name was Abram. The man served as a senior lieutenant in signalmen, died during the fighting at the end of the 44th.
As the politician herself says, on the paternal side all relatives are Latvians, and the true surname of the father was Grigyanis, while on the maternal side the woman is Ukrainian. However, official information about the origin of the politician is rather contradictory, it is difficult to find reliable data in open sources, and the ethnic origin is disputed by many. As the compilers of the biography of Yulia Tymoshenko say, the woman's nationality is Ukrainian, but the ethnic origin of the father is debatable, there is almost no data about the mother's relatives. This provokes doubters to argue about who Yulia herself is.
Youth
As you can learn from sources telling about the biography of Yulia Tymoshenko from birth to the present day, in 77 the girl graduated from high school No. 75 in her native city. At this time, my mother worked in a taxi fleet as a dispatcher. Then the woman will tell that life was not easy in those days, she had to save literally on everything.
Remembering her childhood, Julia says that she preferred to hang out with boys - it seemed boring with girls. While still small, the future promising politician already showed her strong-willed and strong character. She was not attracted to dolls, she was not interested in role-playing games a la mother-daughter. When she first saw performances in rhythmic gymnastics, the girl caught fire in this sport and was fond of it for a long time. As you can learn from the biography, Yulia Timoshenko (maiden name - Grigyan) was a good and excellent student in different years, she never had triples.
The granite of science always has a place in life...
After school, it was decided to continue education at the university here, in Dnepropetrovsk. The girl successfully entered the Faculty of Economics, took up economic cybernetics. The university was graduated in 1984 with a diploma with honors. From that moment, Julia is a certified engineer-economist.
15 years later, the woman, who by this time had already won the fame of a talented politician and a successful businessman, defends her diploma again, this time at the capital's university, which also teaches economics. This time the stage taken is a candidate. Yulia Tymoshenko (general surname - Grigyan) chose the regulation of the taxation system at the state level as a topic. After a successful defense, she was awarded the degree of Candidate of Sciences.
...as well as love
The girl entered into her marriage during her university studies. As you can see from an interview with a famous politician, the story of meeting the chosen one was very romantic. She says that one day her future husband got the wrong number and called not his friend, but her. The voice of the girl who answered so sunk into his soul that he insisted on a meeting - and this began their romance. The wedding was played in the 79th. The following year, a daughter, Zhenya, was born.
Business and profit
As the biography dedicated to Yulia Vladimirovna Timoshenko says, having received her first higher education, the woman got a job in her specialty. They took her, seeing a prospect in an energetic girl, to a machine-building plant. Here Julia works as an engineer-economist from the 84th to the 88th.
In 1989, she happened to take the position of commercial director at the Terminal, a center dedicated to working with youth.
O times!
If it were not for perestroika, who knows what would be written in the biography about Yulia Vladimirovna Timoshenko. Nationality and age, career and family - perhaps all these questions would not attract anyone's attention. But then the perestroika period broke out and a promising, strong-willed woman quickly realized how to use it to her advantage. For her, amazing opportunities opened up in the field of entrepreneurship.
The Timoshenkos first opened their own business in 1988 - video cassette rental. The husband's father came to their aid, at that time he worked in the regional council and was in charge of film distribution. In the 89th, together with the regional committee of the Komsomol, the "Terminal" was formed, in which the position of commercial director was retained by Yulia until 1991.
Continuing development
According to the biography of Yulia Tymoshenko, in the 91st, with the participation of her husband, she establishes the Ukrainian Gasoline enterprise. First, she holds the post of commercial director, later - general. On the basis of the enterprise, UESU was formed, where Yulia dominates in 1995-96.
As experts learned, in those days the company received huge profits. Most of the deals were made in the form of barter. To obtain energy resources, the corporation sold products of Ukrainian manufacturers. Russia became the main partner.
Politics and power
As president of the UESU, Tymoshenko at that moment controlled almost a quarter of the Ukrainian economic sector. Despite the interest of journalists who were worried about who Yulia Tymoshenko was by nationality, how a woman lives and what her personal relationships are, it was decided to take a new step in a public career. Politics was chosen as the direction. It was then that Yulia first became a candidate in a by-election. The starting point of a career was the Kirovograd region. The result that the woman showed was one of the most impressive - 92.3%. Julia began to own the mandate of the deputy.
Once a parliamentarian, the woman soon chose the "Constitutional Center", a party that supported the president's line. As a deputy from the people, she concentrates on party work. Since 1997, Yulia Tymoshenko has had a new achievement in her biography - membership in Gromada. So at that moment the party formed by Lazarenko was called. At that moment, the man held the post of prime minister, but in the future it turns out that his political career was accompanied by criminal activity, and the court decided to deprive the man of freedom for corruption. Some believe that unofficially and bypassing the laws, Lazarenko transferred about 320 million dollars to the territory of America. There are also sources whose estimates exceed the indicated figure.
Continuing work
As described in the biography of Yulia Tymoshenko (we are talking about her family and her political career today), in 1998 a woman becomes the head of the Rada and is responsible for budget policy. She personally manages the "One Hundred Weeks of Worthy Living" project. True, the media could not get an answer from the authorities: why exactly one hundred weeks was chosen and why they decided to stop there. Two years later, Kuchma, then the president of the country, considers Potebenko's petition, in which the petitioner proposes to remove the woman from her post. A year later, a promising politician forms a bloc named after her.
Since 2004, Yulia, on behalf of her own bloc, has been entering into an official documented agreement with Yushchenko. This is how the Power of the People appears, designed to support Yushchenko in the upcoming election campaign. At the same time, the possibility of a new career growth for Yulia was agreed - she had a chance to become head of government. However, the first election round did not give Yushchenko the desired victory. Yulia coordinated her supporters, called for them to gather on Kyiv's Independence Square in order to defend their will. It was Julia who was the inspirer, center and leader of the protests that swept across the country - gradually they grew into a real rebellion against falsification. This period will be recorded in the history of the state as the Orange Revolution.
New prime minister
It is not difficult to find out from the biographies of Yulia Tymoshenko how many years she has been in power as prime minister: since February 2005 she has held this post, retaining it until September of the same year. The woman received her status, as it followed from the agreements concluded earlier, when Yushchenko won the elections - and for this the very first popular protest was enough. In addition, in defiance of the law, they organized the third round of elections, during which Yulia finally received the coveted post. Out of 450 members, 375 people voted for her candidacy.
What I can?
Having received maximum opportunities in her hands, Tymoshenko began to pursue her own policy. A distinctive feature of that period was a sharp increase in wages, pensions and student benefits. The woman decided to increase the allowance given to the family upon the birth of a child by 12 times.
Through the efforts of the new prime minister, an anti-smuggling program began, the re-privatization of three thousand production facilities. The state took over the Krivorozhstal metal plant, which in October of the same year will be sold 2.4 times higher than the starting price.
Not everything goes so smoothly
As you can see from the biography of Yulia Tymoshenko, already in the late spring of 2005 it became clear that the policy she was promoting did not give the results that the people expected - a crisis began, which would be called first gasoline, then sugar. In just a few weeks, the cost of the products that gave the name to the crises doubled. The prime minister began to be criticized, and the president of the state did not disregard her failure.
At the end of August, marking the national day of independence, the head of the country publicly announced that the cabinet of ministers of the current prime minister is the best possible. Quite a bit of time passed, and on September 8, by the presidential will, the entire government was dissolved. The reason for the resignation was called internal conflicts. At the same time, Presidential Secretary Poroshenko, the hero of a corruption scandal, was left without his post.
Truth and falsehood and ways to prove them
From 2005 to the next two years, as indicated in the biography of Yulia Tymoshenko, the woman is an active oppositionist. In general, her entire career, as experts say, is a continuous series of rapid ups and no less rapid falls. The Russian and Ukrainian prosecutor's offices launched several criminal cases against her. The task of the authorities was to consider the activity of the UESU in 96-97. Somewhat later, they began to investigate the incidents that occurred in 2007-2010. However, the so-called gas business brought the greatest fame to the scandalous person. In 2009, representatives of the Ukrainian and Russian authorities made an agreement on the supply of gas, according to which Ukraine found itself in catastrophically disadvantageous conditions. A little time passed, and it was Tymoshenko who was accused of compiling the official paper.
In 2010, Tymoshenko participated in the elections, but lost to Yanukovych. Having taken the presidency, the politician immediately raised the documentation that determined the cost of gas. Long court hearings began. In 2011, Tymoshenko was found guilty and imprisoned for seven years. In addition, the woman was ordered to compensate for the losses of the Naftogaz enterprise, estimated at one and a half billion local currency. The politician, who was found guilty, was escorted to the Kachanovsky colony. The decision of the court, the conclusion itself became the object of gossip at the international level. Many European politicians insisted on the need to release the woman.
A new broom sweeps in a new way
A new coup d'etat and new faces at the helm of the state - this could not but affect the fate of the prisoner. At the beginning of 2014, it was decided to release the woman, and on February 22 she performed on Independence Square, sitting in a wheelchair. Wasting no time in vain, she again took up politics. In 2014, in the elections, her result was 13.13% - second place after the winner Poroshenko. As many considered, the transition to the shadow was conscious, Tymoshenko assumed the onset of a difficult time for the country, when it was more profitable to be with the opposition.
About personal life
In the biography of Yulia Tymoshenko there is information that her wife's name is Alexander. The man is successfully engaged in entrepreneurial activity. Born in marriage, the girl studied at an economic school in the British capital, choosing philosophy and economics as an area of specialization. Currently specializes in domestic folk crafts. Previously, the daughter was married to Sean Carr, thanks to which references to star relatives appeared in the sections about the family in the biographies of Yulia Tymoshenko. Carr is a musician, in addition, owns several retail outlets. At the beginning of 2012, the marriage ended, and even earlier, at the end of 2011, Evgenia regained her maiden name. A few years later, the woman remarried - to Arthur Chechetkin. In the summer of 2016, a girl appeared in the family.
Amazing and impressive
Many say that Yulia Tymoshenko's fame and success is due to her approach to politics: she is one of the few who adheres to maximalism. Many journalists call her "Lady Yu". It is said that Julia was the most important and important political prisoner in the history of her country. Many agree that the secrets that the biography is full of will never be fully disclosed. And yet, no obstacles stop her on the way to the top. Julia is fighting for power with all her might, promising her country a new course, a new life and new successes.
Curious facts
It is known that the passion for rhythmic gymnastics and success in this area were quite significant, so many assumed that the girl would have a luxurious future for the world famous athlete.
As a high school student, the girl decided to change her last name. In graduation documents, she is recorded as Yulia Telegina - this is her mother's surname.
At first, Yulia decided to study at the Mining Institute, and entered the Mining Faculty. Higher mathematics in this educational institution turned out to be an insurmountable obstacle for her, and a year later the student was expelled.
Yulia Vladimirovna Timoshenko (Grigyan at birth, then changed to Telegin - her mother's surname), was born on November 27, 1960 in the city of Dnepropetrovsk. Political and statesman of Ukraine, from February to September 2005 and from December 2007 to March 2010 - was the Prime Minister of Ukraine. Nationality - Ukrainian.
Family of Yulia Tymoshenko.
The mother of Yulia Timoshenko - Telegina (Nelepova) Lyudmila Nikolaevna was born in 1937, on August 11. Father, Grigyan Vladimir Abramovich, was born in 1937, on December 3. Julia practically did not recognize her father, since he left the family when Julia was at the age of three. Perhaps that is why, before graduating from school in 1977, she changes her surname to her mother's surname and becomes Telegina.
Tymoshenko, speaking about her ethnic origin, emphasized that on her mother's side, up to the tenth knee, all Ukrainians, and on her father's side - Latvians.
Yulia's husband is Alexander Timoshenko, born in 1960. Daughter - Evgenia Timoshenko (born in 1980).
Education of Yulia Tymoshenko.
In 1977, she graduated from secondary school No. 37 in the City of Dnepropetrovsk. The following year, he enters the Dnepropetrovsk Mining Institute at the Mining Faculty. In 1979, she transferred to Dnepropetrovsk State University (Department of Economics, "Economic Cybernetics"). After the birth of her daughter, in 1980, she was restored at the university with a degree in labor economics.
She graduated from the university as an "engineer-economist" in 1984 with honors.
Since 1999 he has been a candidate of economic sciences after defending his Ph.D. thesis with the topic "State regulation of the tax system".
Marriage and the beginning of the career of Yulia Tymoshenko.
At the age of 18, studying in the first year of Dnepropetrovsk University, at the Faculty of Economics, Yulia Vladimirovna marries Alexander Timoshenko. It is curious that there are several versions of how the future spouses met at once. The most common version, which, by the way, was repeatedly voiced by Yulia Vladimirovna herself, is the version with an erroneous phone call - supposedly Alexander called somewhere, but dialed the wrong number. However, having heard a very pleasant girlish voice at the other end, the young man was in no hurry to end the conversation - as a result, the young people agreed on a first date. Alexander was a year younger than Julia - he was 16 years old at that time.
There is another version in which a phone call also appears, however, according to this version, Alexander got to Yulia's number not entirely by accident. He supposedly didn’t really know where he was calling, but those were the rules of the game - you had to dial any phone number, and if you liked the voice of the answering subscriber of the opposite sex, then you should make a more serious acquaintance here. At first, Alexander allegedly stumbled upon one of Yulia's friends, and she even began to get ready for a date, but then she changed her mind and asked Yulia to go instead of her.
At the age of 19, Tymoshenko gave her husband a daughter, Yevgeny. Naturally, motherhood, however, like family life in general, is even as active as Yulia Vladimirovna. Nevertheless, in the end, the ebullient nature and indefatigable thirst for activity nevertheless took over: first there was work as an engineer-economist at the Dnepropetrovsk Machine-Building Plant, where Tymoshenko worked from 1984 to 1988, and then Yulia Vladimirovna decides to set sail on the waves of the mysterious , and at the same time attracting business.
Communicating with journalists, she talks about her business career as briefly and rather superficially as possible. In particular, according to Tymoshenko, in the early 90s, he and his wife borrowed 5,000 dollars, and with these funds they bought a place on the Moscow Commodity Exchange. The Timoshenko family created a cooperative that provided services to the population.
Later, Yulia Vladimirovna headed the youth center "Terminal", created with the support of local Komsomol bodies. In May 1991, there was a formal merger of the capital of two families - Timoshenko senior and Timoshenko junior. Considering the very strong grip of Yulia Vladimirovna, as well as her significant activity in the business sphere, it is easy to guess that it was she who became the main driving force behind the family business, while Gennady Timoshenko was the "brain of the Timoshenko clan."
According to Yulia Tymoshenko, anyone who is interested in the details of her biography related to business, it is enough to know that she began her activity in this field with a network of video salons. Yulia Vladimirovna earned her first serious money with the help of the aforementioned "Terminal" center: the plans included trading in petroleum products, and this initiative was supported by another eminent countryman of Yulia Tymoshenko - Sergey Tigipko. For the further implementation of the plan in practice, primary capital was needed, and just with this there were some problems, but Gennady Timoshenko, who at that time headed the film distribution in the Dnepropetrovsk region, came to the rescue.
"Terminal" began to develop quite actively - at first the center was engaged in showing foreign films, and later switched to organizing concerts of rock bands. At the same time, Yulia Tymoshenko is thinking about a more serious level, she wants large scale - she saw the import of oil products as such a large-scale business. The idea did not differ from reality, and since 1991, Yulia Vladimirovna has become the general director of the Ukrainian Gasoline corporation, established jointly with her husband. Yulia Vladimirovna spends bank loans received by KUB, as well as her own capital, on the purchase of fuel and lubricants abroad, since Ukrainian society at that time just needed them. Recall that the year was 1991 - a period when a huge country fell apart, and, accordingly, huge state and economic structures, and many compared the state of Ukrainian agriculture with clinical death.
By 1995, the Ukrainian Gasoline Corporation had become the Ukrainian-British industrial and financial corporation United Energy Systems of Ukraine. The business really went uphill, and real capital was already standing behind the loud name - the turnover of the UESU was 11 billion dollars. It is worth noting one more, very important point - the company was actively supported by Pavel Lazarenko, the leader of the Gromada party, who headed the Ukrainian government at that time. The media claim that it was thanks to his support that the UESU acquired the monopoly right to trade Russian natural gas on Ukrainian territory. In 1995, Yulia Tymoshenko is president of the United Energy Systems company, and she controls 25 percent of the Ukrainian economy. However, in business, even so serious, Yulia Vladimirovna became crowded, and the next stage in her life was political activity.
Political career of Yulia Tymoshenko.
In June 1997, Yulia Tymoshenko loses the post of head of the UESU corporation, but becomes deputy head of the Gromada party.
In July 1999, Tymoshenko founded the All-Ukrainian Association "Batkivshchyna" and from mid-December of the same year headed it.
From May 1998 to March 2000, he was a People's Deputy of Ukraine in the III convocation of the Verkhovna Rada.
Since December 1999, she has held the position of Deputy Prime Minister for the Heat and Energy Complex. In January 2001, she was relieved of her post, and in February she was accused of smuggling and tax evasion during the reign of the UESU, for which she was sent to a pre-trial detention center. On March 27 of the same year, the sanction for the arrest of Tymoshenko was canceled by the Pechersky District Court of Kyiv due to the recognition of the charges against her as untenable. Thus, Tymoshenko was released after 42 days in the pre-trial detention center.
The Yulia Tymoshenko bloc won over 7 percent of the vote in the 2002 elections. So, 24 from BYuT entered the Verkhovna Rada.
At the end of April 2002, all charges against Y. Tymoshenko and her husband were dropped by the Kiev-Svyatoshinsky court.
In April 2003, the Kyiv Court of Appeal declared illegal, and accordingly canceled, the criminal case against the Tymoshenko spouses.
Yulia Tymoshenko took an active part in the Orange Revolution as the second leader after Viktor Yushchenko. Tymoshenko's aspiration to become the prime minister of Ukraine was quite obvious.
Yulia Tymoshenko as prime minister.
In 2005, on February 4, Y. Tymoshenko was approved by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine as Prime Minister of Ukraine. It was voted for by an overwhelming majority - out of 450 deputies, 375 voted "for".
At the same time, apart from Tymoshenko, there was not a single one in the Cabinet of Ministers from BYuT. The domestic economic activity of the Cabinet of Ministers under Yu. Tymoshenko consisted of the following main provisions:
Increase in pensions, salaries and scholarships
The amount of payments at the birth of a child from 320 hryvnia in 2004 to 12,240 in 2008 (at the birth of the 1st child), 25,000 for the 2nd and 50,000 for the 3rd child.
Stop smuggling campaign
- "sugar" and "gasoline" crises, having signs of "cartel collusion"
In March 2006, BYuT surpassed Our Ukraine in the new parliamentary elections, taking 129 seats against 81 for Our Ukraine.
In November 2005, the Supreme Court of Ukraine canceled all criminal cases against Tymoshenko and her family.
Which countries did Yulia Tymoshenko visit?
As Prime Minister, Yulia Tymoshenko visited such countries as the USA, Russia, Georgia, Poland, Germany, France, Belgium, Czech Republic, Belarus, Portugal, Moldova, Great Britain, etc.
Income of Yulia Tymoshenko.
The leader of the Batkivshchyna party, Yulia Tymoshenko, released a declaration of her and her family's income in 2010.
Tymoshenko received UAH 258,265 in 2010. salaries for civil servant positions, and her family members - 988,737 thousand hryvnia (with a hryvnia exchange rate of 8.1 - 120,577 US dollars).
In the information about family members, the leader of the Batkivshchyna party indicated her husband Oleksandr Tymoshenko, who in 2010 received 988,737 hryvnias (at a hryvnia exchange rate of 10.2 euros - 96,935 euros) income from entrepreneurial and independent professional activities.
Yulia Tymoshenko in 2010 did not receive income in the form of dividends, interest and royalties; financial assistance; income from scientific, teaching, creative activities; income from entrepreneurial and independent professional activities, as well as income from the alienation of securities and corporate rights.
Also, the leader of the Batkivshchyna party has no financial obligations, including abroad.
A. Timoshenko in 2010 paid UAH 144,000 under lease agreements. and UAH 283,850 for maintenance of property. According to information about real estate, Y. Tymoshenko owns an apartment with a total area of 58 square meters, and Alexander Timoshenko owns a garage with an area of 27.2 square meters, a land plot of 2.5 hectares and an office space - 255.1 square meters.
Y. Tymoshenko owns no vehicles. Cars "Toyota Prado" with an engine capacity of 3 thousand cubic centimeters and "BMW X5" (3 thousand cubic centimeters) belong to her husband.
Friends of Yulia Tymoshenko.
Natalya Vetvitskaya, the former Dmitry Vetvitsky, a comrade-in-arms of the Timoshenko couple in the UESU;
- Dmitry Vetvitsky, people's deputy (BYuT).
BYuT in opposition.
After Tymoshenko's refusal in August 2006 to sign the Universal of National Unity, she decides to create an inter-factional opposition association together with deputies who share her views. As a result, on September 22, 2006, an agreement was signed on the creation of an opposition led by Yulia Tymoshenko.
In September 2007, early parliamentary elections were held. BYuT received 30 percent of the vote.
According to the results of these elections in November of the same year, a coalition of NUNS and BYuT appeared, which amounted to 229 deputies. Thus, in December 2007 Yulia Tymoshenko was appointed head of the Cabinet of Ministers by the ruling coalition.
As early as January of the following year, Tymoshenko's Cabinet began paying depositors of the USSR Sberbank at the rate of 1 Soviet ruble - 1 hryvnia.
Presidential elections in 2010.
In June 2009, Tymoshenko officially announced her desire to run for president of Ukraine. In the first round, Tymoshenko took 2nd place after Yanukovych with 25 percent of the vote, in the second round - 45 percent of the vote after 48 for Yanukovych.
In March 2010, Yulia Tymoshenko's Cabinet of Ministers was dismissed.
Criminal cases against Tymoshenko.
June 2004 - the Russian Chief Military Prosecutor's Office announced the international search for Tymoshenko. In the case of Pavel Lazarenko in the United States, Yulia Tymoshenko is being treated as an accomplice.
In May 2010, Tymoshenko was charged with trying to bribe judges in 2003-2004.
In December 2010, Tymoshenko was summoned for the first interrogation in the case of "Kyoto Protocol money" (accusation of misuse of funds). The interrogation then lasted almost 12 hours.
In October 2011, Tymoshenko was accused of trying to shift the debt of the UESU to the state budget of Ukraine. In August 2011, she was arrested in the courtroom for "obstructing the examination of witnesses". Even during the first few hours of her imprisonment in the SIZO, Tymoshenko wrote a special statement in which she indicated that she was in fear for her own life and stated that she would never commit suicide.
In October 2011, Tymoshenko was found guilty of abuse of power by the Pechersky District Court and sentenced to 7 years in prison, as well as a ban on holding certain positions in government for three years after serving her sentence.
Tymoshenko's arrest is opposed by Italy, France, Sweden, Canada, Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic and others. After the case was considered by the Kyiv Court of Appeal in 2011, the sentence was upheld. During her stay in the pre-trial detention center, Tymoshenko's health deteriorated sharply. A possible cause is poisoning. As a result, Tymoshenko was transferred to the medical unit of the SIZO. So, in December, Tymoshenko was tried right in the medical unit of the pre-trial detention center.
In January 2012, Tymoshenko fainted after taking medication for an "acute viral infection" given to her by prison doctors. In April, Tymoshenko made a statement about the beatings, as a result of which she went on a protest - a hunger strike. Together with her, about 30 people starved on the squares of Ukrainian cities from April 20 to May 10.
After the bloody clashes between Maidan activists and law enforcement officers in the center of the Ukrainian capital, which took place on February 18-20, 2014, during which 82 people were killed, the Verkhovna Rada decided to remove Viktor Yanukovych, who at that time held the position of president of the country, from power. On February 21 of the same year, the Parliament implemented the provisions of Article 19 of the UN Convention against Corruption with Ukrainian legislation. In accordance with the provisions of this article of the Convention, Ukraine decriminalized the article of the Criminal Code, according to which Tymoshenko served her sentence, but the bill was not signed by the head of state, as required by the regulations of the Verkhovna Rada.
The next day, the Parliament, on the basis of the decision of the ECtHR and the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, adopted a resolution on the international obligations assumed by Ukraine to release Yulia Tymoshenko, and the leader of the Batkivshchyna, on the basis of this resolution, left the Kachanivska colony on the same day, having been released, and went to Kyiv, where she honored the memory of Euromaidan activists and spoke at the Independence Square.
Presidential elections in 2014.
After undergoing a course of medical treatment in Germany, Yulia Tymoshenko made several statements in which she, in particular, called for parliamentary elections to be held in Ukraine immediately after the presidential elections - according to the politician, the country's parliament has turned into a "viper".
On March 27, 2014, during a press conference organized in Kyiv, the leader of the "Fatherland" announced her intention to take part in the presidential elections. On March 29, according to the decision of the congress of the political force headed by her, held on Sofiyskaya Square, Yulia Tymoshenko was nominated as a candidate for the post of head of state, and on March 31 she was officially registered as a candidate by the Central Election Commission.
The main theses proposed by Tymoshenko to voters during the election campaign were the fight against oligarchs, the eradication of corruption in the country, the choice of a European path of development for Ukraine, the restoration of the country's territorial integrity and countering aggression from the Russian Federation.
According to the results of the presidential elections, the leader of the "Batkivshchyna" took second place - 12.81 percent of voters voted for her. The second round of elections was not held, because Petro Poroshenko, who won first place, managed to collect more than 50 percent of the vote.
Parliamentary elections in 2014. On August 30, 2014, Batkivshchyna initiated a referendum in Ukraine regarding the country's entry into the North Atlantic Alliance. The political force offered to hold this referendum on the day of early parliamentary elections - October 26 of the same year, but on September 15, the Central Election Commission decided to refuse registration of the initiative group to hold an all-Ukrainian plebiscite on joining NATO.
Despite the negative reaction of the CEC, "Fatherland" begins collecting signatures for holding a referendum in the country on joining the Alliance. As Tymoshenko herself emphasized, in order to hold an all-Ukrainian referendum, according to the norms of the Constitution, it is necessary to collect the signatures of 3 million citizens of Ukraine. As a result, this initiative was never brought to practical implementation, and "Batkivshchyna" concentrated its efforts on the upcoming elections.
For the first time, it was not Yulia Tymoshenko who occupied the first place on the party list - she agreed to give up her first position to the Ukrainian pilot Nadezhda Savchenko. In addition to them, the top five also included civic activist Igor Lutsenko, head of the Batkivshchyna faction in Verkhovna Rada Serhiy Sobolev, and public figure Alyona Shkrum. As a result of the elections, the party managed to overcome the 5% barrier to entry, gaining 5.68 percent of the vote. In November 2014, Batkivshchyna decided to join the process of developing a coalition agreement and join the parliamentary coalition.
Speaking about the parliamentary activities of Yulia Tymoshenko in the Verkhovna Rada of the eighth convocation, it should be noted her initiative to release Nadezhda Savchenko, supported by the deputies, the bill adopted by the parliament aimed at supporting the volunteer movement in the country, and the creation in April 2015, on her initiative, of a working group to verify the validity of the tariffs for housing and communal services established in Ukraine.
"Nicknames" of Yulia Tymoshenko:
- gas princess
- "icon of the Orange Revolution"
- "The Iron Lady"
Show business star and Hollywood actress of Ukrainian origin Mila Jovovich is not opposed to playing Yulia Tymoshenko, former Prime Minister of Ukraine, in a movie. She said this in an interview with Russian oppositionist and TV presenter Ksenia Sobchak on the Dozhd TV channel.
Documentary films about Yulia Tymoshenko.
15 documentaries were made about Yulia Tymoshenko:
- "Julia" - 2009, film studio Coppola Productions (USA);
- "Stealing popcorn" - 2009, Haze Productionz film studio (USA);
- "I served time for Tymoshenko" - 2009;
- "For what they judge Yulia" - 2011, ATN studio (Kharkiv;
- "Just Julia - And happiness was so close" - 2011;
25 minute documentary screened on 8 October 2011 to delegates to the NATO Parliamentary Assembly - 2011;
Documentary film about the verdict of the Pechersk court in the Tymoshenko case - 2011;
Documentary film "Africans about Ukraine and Tymoshenko" - 2011;
- "Petition for the release of Tymoshenko" - 2012;
- "Iron Julia" - 2012, NTV channel;
- "In bed with Tymoshenko" - 2014, NTV channel;
- "Princess at the bucket" - 2014, NTV channel;
- "Son-in-law Timoshenko: Yulia, goodbye!" - 2014, NTV channel
- "Rot front Tymoshenko" - 2014, NTV channel
- "Blow by power. Yulia Tymoshenko" - 2014, TV Center TV channel.
Awards of Yulia Tymoshenko and her titles.
1998 - Order of the Holy Great Martyr Barbara from the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate;
2005 - "Person of the Year" according to the 15th International Economic Forum in Krinitsa Gurskaya;
2005 - an award from the forum in Monaco. Yulia Tymoshenko received this award for what she calls outstanding economic achievements while running the Ukrainian government, for her leadership qualities, for her anti-corruption policies, and for fighting emerging threats to democracy in the modern world;
2007 - distinction "For political courage" from the French edition "International Politics";
2007 - award of the non-governmental organization Conservative Political Action Conference (USA);
2008 - badge "Miner's Glory" of the third degree"
2008 - badge "Honorary Power Engineer";
2009 - badge "Miner's Glory" of the second degree;
2009 - Order of the Libyan Revolution;
2009 - Order of the Holy Mountain Brotherhood from the Jerusalem Orthodox Church;
2011 - Yakov Galchevsky Prize;
2010 - Order of St. Andrew the First-Called from the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Kyiv Patriarchate;
2011 - "for services to the Slavutians" - an award from the city council of Slavuta;
2011 - "Person of the Year" according to the edition "Correspondent";
2012 - Boniface VIII International Prize;
2013 - Manuel Carrasco Formiguer medal from the Spanish political party Unio Democratica de Catalunya ("United Democracy of Catalonia").
Promises. Practically all political crises observed in Ukraine were accompanied by loud public statements, in many cases rather scandalous ones. However, there is nothing surprising here, since a well-thought-out information campaign with public showdowns is a proven, and, at the same time, quite a good tool with which you can earn the trust of ordinary people and attract as much attention as possible. Yulia Tymoshenko, a skilled orator, also uses such a tool, she is practically unrivaled in verbal battles among representatives of the Ukrainian political beau monde, and many of her statements, as well as promises, are to the taste of most of the society, who does not think about how real promises will be kept.
For example, a promise to launch a program to return the Crimean peninsula to Ukraine - Yulia Vladimirovna made this promise back in 2014, running for the Verkhovna Rada. Political scientists and experts immediately called this promise populist, since the development of strategies aimed at the return of the occupied Crimea falls within the powers of the executive, not the legislature.
One of the last promises given by Yulia Vladimirovna was the assurance that her political force - "Batkivshchyna" - would not leave the parliamentary coalition as long as the Kremlin was tearing apart the eastern borders of Ukraine, as long as there was external aggression against the country. The politician made this promise at the beginning of November 2015, but in the end she did not keep her word: on February 17, Yulia Vladimirovna publicly announced a change in her position on the issue raised, saying that the Batkivshchyna faction was withdrawing from the parliamentary majority.
In fact, Tymoshenko's promise to mobilize the Batkivshchyna faction in order to fully support the resolution on the resignation of the Cabinet of Ministers headed by Yatsenyuk remained unfulfilled. The people's deputies from the "Batkivshchyna" really supported this resolution, but Tymoshenko did not keep her word 100 percent, because 4 representatives of the faction still did not vote - 3 people's deputies were absent from the session hall at the time of voting, and people's deputy Igor Lutsenko said, as if his card during the voting did not work.
Yulia Vladimirovna used the increase in tariffs for housing and communal services in Ukraine and the decrease in the standard of living of ordinary inhabitants as a rather effective PR campaign, in which even elements of blackmail could be seen. This PR campaign started in September last year - Yulia Vladimirovna then firmly promised that her faction would not support any of the bills (except social ones) until the bills registered by the deputies from the "Batkivshchyna" aimed at settlement of issues related to tariffs for housing and communal services.
This was a very serious statement - ordinary people who saw such noble intentions on TV, most likely, gave an appropriate assessment of such a fair position, and Tymoshenko's political piggy bank probably replenished. But do not forget that Ukrainian politicians do not spoil their voters so often with the fact that their words do not diverge from their deeds. Here, too, Batkivshchyna, contrary to the statement of its leader, nevertheless supported a number of bills that cannot be called social in any way.
In fairness, it should be noted that Yulia Vladimirovna also has fulfilled promises. In particular, in mid-May 2015, as promised, she applied to the Prosecutor General's Office with a demand to bring to justice those involved in the increase in housing and communal services tariffs. A month later, Yulia Vladimirovna announced that her political force intends to continue the fight for lowering tariffs for utilities, as well as for improving the level of social protection of Ukrainian citizens. At the beginning of September 2015, Tymoshenko announced that she had written a statement to the Prosecutor General's Office regarding the crime committed by officials - Yulia Vladimirovna demanded that all officials who were directly involved in the formation of speculative and excessive unreasonably tariffs for housing and communal services be held accountable. She explained that she decided to take this extreme step, since with its help it would be possible to influence the government at least a little, forcing it to live and work not in the interests of corrupt deals, but in the interests of the country and people.
According to Tymoshenko, the crime in this case consists of two parts. Firstly, the Cabinet of Ministers allegedly sent not all natural gas produced on Ukrainian territory to the needs of the country's population: Yulia Vladimirovna accused the government of selling at least 3.1 billion cubic meters of "blue fuel" to various commercial structures. Secondly, the leader of the "Fatherland" said that the Cabinet of Ministers had no right to set the price for 1 cubic meter of gas in the amount of 7.2 hryvnia before April 2016, recalling the memorandum signed with the International Monetary Fund, according to which tariffs for the population are parity with the price of imported fuel, can be established in Ukraine no earlier than 1.5 years after the signing of the document.
The fulfilled promises include the election of a member of the "Fatherland" Nadezhda Savchenko, illegally detained in a pre-trial detention center on the territory of the Russian Federation, as a member of the Permanent Delegation of Ukraine to PACE. It is also worth recalling here that in the parliamentary elections in 2014, Yulia Vladimirovna gave Savchenko the first number on the Batkivshchyna electoral list, taking an unusual second number for herself. In addition, Tymoshenko, as promised, did not nominate representatives of her political force as candidates for the High Council of Justice.
Fashion trends. Yulia Vladimirovna Tymoshenko is a successful businessman and a very authoritative politician, but first of all she is a woman, and given her fame and popularity, there is nothing surprising in the fact that it was the leader of the Batkivshchyna who set several fashion trends at once . It was Timoshenko who brought into fashion some of the elements that are worth dwelling on in more detail.
The main trend that was introduced by Yulia Vladimirovna is, of course, her famous braid, which has become a kind of "brand name" of the politician. There was a period when Tymoshenko practically did not appear in public without a braid: her hairstyle was reminiscent of the traditions of the Ukrainian people, and, at the same time, she looked quite stylish. Soon, many fashionistas, including celebrities, began to appear in public with a braid, and designers borrowed a braid for their shows. In a number of beauty salons in Western countries, this hairstyle is called "Timoshenko".
At the same time, almost every outfit in which Yulia Vladimirovna appears in public has some spectacular detail, and in the vast majority of cases this detail is the collar. Laconic, lacy, small in size, with draperies, sometimes quite unusual in shape, but at the same time always noticeable and interesting. Tymoshenko is especially fond of lace collars, which then became popular among other fashion connoisseurs.
Looking at the outfits of Yulia Tymoshenko, it is striking that she is clearly inspired by the style of Jacqueline Kennedy, because the former first lady of the United States, like Yulia Vladimirovna, was very fond of jackets with three-quarter sleeves that emphasize her graceful arms, which look both elegant and stylish . The sleeves of Timoshenko's outfits also look very elegant and, at the same time, interesting - the leader of the "Fatherland" especially likes either sleeves gathered at the shoulders or puffed sleeves.
Another trend that has become popular thanks to Tymoshenko is noticeable jewelry: the politician’s outfits are almost always completed with pearls (earrings or threads around the neck), or a catchy and spectacular brooch. Well, one cannot fail to note Yulia Vladimirovna's love for folklore ornaments: indeed, the use of folklore prints is a very wise step. The politician thus clearly demonstrates that he is close to the culture and history of his native country, close to folk motives. At the same time, folklore prints also look very interesting. Tymoshenko used not only drawings with elements of Ukrainian folklore, but also appropriate decorations.
Tymoshenko, and this is obvious, belongs to the category of maximalists - such people do not stop halfway, and they are not able to be satisfied with some half-way results: they need everything at once. The phenomenon of Tymoshenko, including, is that she knows how to adapt to any, even the most difficult situations. Moreover, Yulia Vladimirovna is distinguished by her amazing ability to turn such situations in her favor.
Her path to the political Olympus was very difficult, and there, of course, there are many different kinds of "dark stories". However, without leadership abilities, Tymoshenko could hardly have achieved what she has achieved, which means that she is by nature a born leader with a strong character and an iron will. Apparently, Tymoshenko set herself only one goal - to reach the highest peaks in Ukrainian politics, and after entering big politics, she devoted her life to achieving this goal.
Tymoshenko has secured the image of an invincible, uncompromising and consistent politician - at least, this is indicated by supporters of her political strength. Meanwhile, the political activity of Yulia Vladimirovna was not devoid of intrigue, or backstage agreements, or rational calculation. Having moved into the "major league" of Ukrainian politics, Yulia Tymoshenko had to master the entire set of tools to survive in this difficult world, and, judging by the results achieved, she mastered this set to perfection. No one can say for sure how her fate would have turned out if it were not for the verdict of the Pechersk court - given her ambitions and iron character, Tymoshenko could well lead the Revolution of Dignity. However, one can only guess about this - how it would have been. Nevertheless, even after several years of absence from politics, Yulia Vladimirovna did not fall out of the "major league" of domestic politics, and continues to fight for the return, at least, of previously lost positions. It is quite possible that she will really be able to achieve this - after all, the decisiveness of Yulia Vladimirovna, and her ability to take tough and quick steps, is quite well known to everyone - politicians, experts, and ordinary people.
Photo of Yulia Tymoshenko, caught the attention of the media.
Yulia Tymoshenko, as a public person, of course, has just a huge number of photographs published in the press, but it is worth dwelling on some of them that caused the greatest resonance.
In 2005, the attention of the press was riveted both to Tymoshenko herself and to her daughter Yevgenia, who was married to British rock musician Sean Kara. The excitement around this event rose quite seriously, thanks to which Yulia Vladimirovna received additional PR, and the photos from her daughter's wedding differ from the numerous photos of Tymoshenko in an official setting, and remind that Yulia Tymoshenko is not only a politician, but also a mother.
After in 2011, the judge of the Pechersky District Court of Kyiv, Rodion Kireev, decided to choose a preventive measure for Tymoshenko in the form of detention, she was taken to the Lukyanovsky pre-trial detention center. On November 4, a rally of supporters of Yulia Tymoshenko gathered under the walls of the pre-trial detention center, which was also attended by members of parliament. At some point, Yulia Vladimirovna looked out of the window and waved her hand to the people who came to support her.
At the end of April 2012, the Ukrainian media published photographs of hematomas on the body of Yulia Tymoshenko. The materials were handed over to journalists by Nina Karpacheva, who then held the position of Parliamentary Commissioner for Human Rights. Tymoshenko herself stated that these hematomas were the result of the use of physical force against her by the employees of the Kachanovsky colony, who tried to pull her out of bed.
A significant event that attracted the attention of the press, and not only Ukrainian, was the release of Tymoshenko from the Kachanivka colony in 2014, after the victory of the Revolution of Dignity in the country - the media space was filled with photographs of Tymoshenko, who had been released.
Immediately after the release, Yulia Vladimirovna went to Kyiv, and performed from the Maidan stage, sitting in a wheelchair. At the same time, the attention of the press was riveted both to Tymoshenko herself, who was sitting in an armchair, and to her shoes.
In mid-February this year, the attention of the media was attracted by the change in Tymoshenko's image - Yulia Vladimirovna appeared in parliament without the already familiar braided and styled braid: she let her hair down, adding stylish and strict black-rimmed glasses to the image.
Video of Yulia Tymoshenko, caught the attention of the media.
Among the most striking videos with Yulia Tymoshenko, which attracted particular attention of both the media and Internet users, one can note, in particular, the video with the verdict read out by the judge of the Pechersk Court Rodion Kireev in case number 1-657 / 11 on October 11, 2011 , according to which the ex-prime minister was found guilty and sentenced to 7 years in prison.
Another video that attracted the attention of the press was the recordings made after the release of Yulia Vladimirovna, who was released after the victory of the Revolution of Dignity in Ukraine. For example, a video showing Tymoshenko's exit from the colony.
Also popular was a video in which Yulia Vladimirovna herself is not present - we are talking about a video recording of the reaction of Arseniy Yatsenyuk, who at that time was in the ranks of the Batkivshchyna, to the release of the party leader: journalists caught him at the moment when he answered a phone call from Tymoshenko .
And, finally, a video with Tymoshenko's speech on the Maidan, where she went immediately after her release - in addition to the fiery speech of Yulia Vladimirovna herself, many media outlets drew attention to the reaction of the activists who had gathered on the main square of the capital - in particular, Tymoshenko was clearly not enthusiastically received all protesters.
Quite a lot of scandals of various scales arose around Tymoshenko - some of them even ended in criminal cases for Yulia Tymoshenko. However, there were scandals that did not have criminal procedural consequences, but attracted quite serious attention to her person. The scandals that came to the attention of law enforcement officers can be found in the relevant section - "Criminal cases" against Tymoshenko "- while here I would like to concentrate on scandals that ended without criminal prosecution.
One of these scandals was the situation in 2006, when Yulia Vladimirovna refused to put her signature under the "Universal of National Unity" - a document proposed by Viktor Yushchenko, who at that time held the post of president of the country, in order to resolve the political differences that had arisen. Tymoshenko criticized the document rather harshly, calling it "a cover for betrayal," and said that her political strength was turning into tough opposition. Recall that by that time Viktor Yushchenko had already dismissed her from the post of prime minister. In addition, Yulia Vladimirovna appealed to the people's representatives, who share her views - both political and on the current situation - with a call to create an opposition inter-factional association. This was followed by a rather serious political scandal - Yulia Tymoshenko was accused of trying to "tune" the state apparatus only for herself, as well as of excessive liberalism.
Another rather serious scandal arose around Tymoshenko in 2008, after Russia attacked Georgia. Yulia Vladimirovna's statements in this regard were rather vague and did not contain any specifics. She, in particular, decided to limit herself to calls for peace, and to refrain from public condemnation of Russian aggression, as Viktor Yushchenko did. In this regard, the Presidential Secretariat (now the Presidential Administration) brought accusations against her, including those of "treason against the Motherland" and "conspiracy with the Kremlin." After the scandal began to gain momentum, and the accusations against the leader of the "Fatherland" became more and more harsh, Yulia Vladimirovna recommended that the President's Secretariat change the sign to "Ward number 6". According to Tymoshenko, all the accusations made against her are complete nonsense and absurdity, and she does not even want to give any comments on this, so that she herself does not become a participant in this absurdity.
In 2010, a scandal erupted within the walls of the Ukrainian parliament over Georgian citizens sent as observers to the presidential elections in Ukraine. People's deputy from the Party of Regions Volodymyr Sivkovich presented to the parliament a recording and printout of a telephone conversation between Yulia Tymoshenko and Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili, from which it followed that the Ukrainian prime minister agreed with the president of another country to send observers capable of disrupting the electoral process. Tymoshenko herself called these accusations absurd and not worth a damn cheap provocation. She also explained that Saakashvili had in mind capable observers, and when he spoke of a "combat-ready team", he meant the ability of this team to work effectively, and not engage in some kind of pogroms. Yulia Vladimirovna also emphasized that in this case the Party of Regions is simply trying to inflate a universal scandal out of the blue.
Yulia Vladimirovna was also indirectly affected by the so-called "Panamagate" - according to the published documents, on July 12, 1998, the authorities of the Virgin Islands issued a search warrant for the premises belonging to Mossack Fonseca, and the search was carried out by law enforcement officers on the same day. The warrant itself, which was made publicly available, notes that the offices of Mossack Fonseca could contain documents (records, checks, files, correspondence) related to Bassington Ltd, as well as to Pavel Lazarenko, Yulia Tymoshenko, Petr Kirichenko, Alexander Timoshenko, Alexander Igor (in the documents - Gravets), and a number of other persons. In turn, Tymoshenko categorically denied information that she was allegedly involved in the transfer of funds to the accounts of Pavel Lazarenko.
Another scandal surrounding the leader of the "Batkivshchyna" erupted on May 14, 2016, when a well-known journalist and people's deputy from the Petro Poroshenko Bloc, Serhiy Leshchenko, said that he was asked to leave the studio from which the political talk show "Shuster Live" was broadcast live, because Yulia Vladimirovna Timoshenko came there. People's Deputy stressed that in this case nothing unusual happened - everything was as always. He explained that he was told to leave the studio immediately, as Tymoshenko was due to arrive. Leshchenko noted that Yulia Vladimirovna had been demanding for many years that he not be present during her on-air performances. According to the journalist, everything is explained here quite simply - Tymoshenko does not want him to tell who she really is, about her "kickbacks" to Pavel Lazarenko's accounts and offshore companies, about her attempts to share power in the country with Viktor Yanukovych for two 20 years old, and her chronic inability to answer direct questions. Recall that earlier Leshchenko really harshly and repeatedly criticized Yulia Tymoshenko, directly calling her "the mother of Ukrainian corruption."
Yulia Tymoshenko in social networks.
How often do Yandex users from Ukraine search for information about Yulia Tymoshenko in a search engine?
As can be seen from the screen of the wordstat system, users of the Yandex search engine in February 2016 were interested in the query "yulia tymoshenko" 35,603 times.
And according to this chart, you can see how the interest of Yandex users in the query "yulia tymoshenko" has changed over the past two years:
The highest interest for this request was recorded in March 2014 (more than 420,935 requests);
The dynamics of requests for Yulia Tymoshenko can be seen in the following chart.
Yulia Tymoshenko is "Lady Yu", "Iron Lady", "Gas Princess", "Icon of the Orange Revolution" and simply "the lady with the scythe", who has become one of the most famous women in the world over the past decade. She won fame and popularity in the post of Prime Minister of Ukraine, which made her the main political prisoner of the country.
The biography of Yulia Tymoshenko is filled with many unsolved secrets, but this does not prevent the woman politician from confidently moving to the heights of power through all obstacles, showing perseverance, willpower and unbending character.
Childhood and youth
Yulia Vladimirovna Timoshenko (nee Grigyan) was born under the sign of the zodiac Sagittarius on November 29, 1960 in the city of Dnepr (formerly Dnepropetrovsk), the regional center of Ukraine. Her parents divorced when Julia was still a 3-year-old child. Father Vladimir Abramovich left the family, so the future Prime Minister of Ukraine was brought up only by her mother Lyudmila Nikolaevna Telegina, who worked as a dispatcher in a taxi depot.
The nationality of Yulia Tymoshenko remains an open question to this day: all her paternal ancestors were Latvians, and her maternal ancestors were Ukrainians. The politician's childhood passed in difficult living conditions, there was not enough money, but her mother managed to surround her daughter with love and care.
At school, Julia did not show interest in the sciences. Teachers say that she studied without triples, but she was not an excellent student either. In her youth, she was engaged in rhythmic gymnastics, in connection with which she was predicted to have a career in sports. In high school, Tymoshenko decided to change her last name. She took her mother's surname, so in the graduation documents the schoolgirl is called Yulia Telegina.
After school, the “iron lady” of Ukrainian politics entered the Dnepropetrovsk Mining Institute, the Faculty of Automation and Telemechanics, but due to poor progress, she was expelled from the first year. Then she decided to try her hand in another direction and became a student at the Faculty of Economics of Dnepropetrovsk State University, from which she graduated with honors.
In 1999, Tymoshenko defended her thesis on the topic "State regulation of the tax system" and became a candidate of economic sciences.
Business
In his youth, Timoshenko begins to take an interest in business. The working days of the girl began at the Dnepropetrovsk Machine-Building Plant, as an engineer-economist. At that time, already married to Alexander Timoshenko, Yulia Vladimirovna opens a video rental point, for which she had to borrow money from friends.
Having earned the first money, Tymoshenko organizes the youth center "Terminal", which was supposed to deal with the sale of petroleum products. This required initial capital, and the father-in-law of “Lady Yu” invested in the business. So Yulia Vladimirovna burst into the world of business against the backdrop of the collapse of the country's economic infrastructure in the early 90s.
Already in 1995, the Terminal cooperative, with the support of the then-governor of Dnepropetrovsk region Pavel Lazarenko, grew into the Ukrainian-British industrial and financial corporation United Energy Systems of Ukraine (UESU) with a turnover of $ 10 billion. She headed the gas princess structure. Then she had a monopoly on the sale of Russian gas in Ukraine.
In 1996, UESU suffered great political and financial difficulties, which prompted Yulia Vladimirovna to enter the political arena.
Politics
In 1997, she became a people's deputy and took a leading position in the Gromada party. In 1999, Tymoshenko creates the All-Ukrainian Association "Batkivshchyna", at the head of which he enters the government. Then she is appointed vice-premier for fuel and energy complex in the cabinet. Julia immediately showed herself in such a way that she fell out of favor with many politicians and businessmen of the country.
As a result, Alexander Timoshenko and her husband were arrested in 2000, and a year later Yulia Vladimirovna herself was already in jail. The couple were accused of smuggling Russian gas to Ukraine and tax evasion. Later, the Kyiv court recognized the charges against Tymoshenko as unfounded, as a result of which the "gas princess" was released from custody, and after a while her husband was also released, closing all criminal cases in the UESU.
Further, “Lady Yu” again continued her political activities and until 2005 raised the level of popularity among the population at the head of the opposition action “Ukraine without Kuchma”. Then she spoke in support of the future Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko and became the leader of the Orange Revolution. This allowed her to be on the post of Prime Minister of Ukraine.
In September 2005, Yushchenko dismissed the Tymoshenko government due to internal conflict between the branches of government, which caused a mixed reaction among Ukrainian politicians. Nevertheless, her reputation is growing stronger in the world, and the American financial and economic magazine Forbes calls Yulia Tymoshenko the third most influential woman on the planet.
Yulia Vladimirovna does not give up and continues to stubbornly rush into the upper echelons of power. In 2006, the Timoshenko Bloc overtook the "Party of Regions" in the parliamentary elections, gaining more than 22% of the vote. Thus, in the Verkhovna Rada, the "orange coalition" took more than half of the seats. The new political formation also got the bulk of government portfolios, and Yulia Vladimirovna became the main opposition figure in the country.
In 2007, in the early elections to the Verkhovna Rada, the BYuT party improves its position, which gives Tymoshenko the opportunity to again receive the post of prime minister of the country.
Yulia Tymoshenko's signature hairstyle The second premiership of the "Iron Lady" fell on a period of a large-scale global crisis, but she managed to prevent major catastrophes in the economy. Its actions made it possible to avoid a default in the country, to support the mining and metallurgical complex and production, to prevent delays in the payment of wages to state employees and social payments to pensioners, to maintain the stability of tariffs for housing and communal services, in particular for gas, to privatize land and close the illegal gambling business.
During this period, Yulia Tymoshenko became the main person involved in the gas conflict between Russia and Ukraine. Then the Ukrainian-Russian relations reached an impasse, and the “gas princess”, the only one from the Yushchenko government, had to save the situation, for which she ended up in jail in the near future. She was accused of rendering a disservice to the country, since the gas supply agreement was signed on onerous terms and at an unprecedentedly high price. Soon, Yulia Tymoshenko's negotiations with the President of the Russian Federation will drastically affect her rating.
Before prison, Yulia Tymoshenko managed to take part in the 2010 presidential election, where she lost only a few percent of the vote to her rival, who became the head of Ukraine. After that, no confidence was declared in the government of Tymoshenko, she was dismissed, and an ally of Yanukovych took the chair of the prime minister.
Since May 2010, the "iron lady" of Ukraine began to reap the fruits of its activities: the Prosecutor General's Office opened several criminal cases against the politician at once. The most high-profile case was the gas contract with Russia, as well as the purchase of cars for rural medicine and “Kyoto money”, which she allegedly misused, which caused damage to the state in the amount of €380 million.
In October 2011, the Kyiv Pechersk Court sentenced Tymoshenko to 7 years in prison with $189 million in damages to the state. This decision of the courts provoked sharp criticism in the world community, which considers the criminal prosecution of the former Prime Minister of Ukraine politically motivated. Tymoshenko went to serve her sentence in the Kachanovsky colony in Kharkov.
Timoshenko's stay in prison from the first days was filled with unpredictability and mystery. A seemingly healthy woman began to declare in an interview about feeling unwell and bruising on her body, and lawyers reported that their client had been poisoned.
Later, Yulia Vladimirovna began to move poorly due to severe back pain. Tomography revealed an intervertebral hernia that chained the woman to a wheelchair. At the same time, in 2013, Tymoshenko held 2 indefinite hunger strikes in prison demanding that Yanukovych sign an agreement with the EU, but 12 days after the crowded Maidan appealed to her, she agreed to stop the action.
After a bloody battle on the main square of the Ukrainian capital and the deprivation of power of President Viktor Yanukovych in February 2014, a decision was made to release the well-known political prisoner. The Verkhovna Rada decriminalized the article under which Yulia Tymoshenko was convicted, and on February 22, the “iron lady” was released.
Immediately after her release, the former prime minister of Ukraine entered the struggle for the presidency, but took second place, losing the main state post. Without breaking through to power, Tymoshenko began to reform the Batkivshchyna party, took the position of an ardent critic of the current Ukrainian leadership and became Poroshenko's main opponent.
In 2017, Yulia Vladimirovna is still active in politics. She leaves no hope of rising again to the pinnacle of power, to occupy leading positions in the state. Some prospects opened up when Tymoshenko's rating went up significantly in 2016 amid the failures of the government, as well as the steady loss of positions by President Petro Poroshenko.
Her political rhetoric has not actually changed. Yulia Vladimirovna promises the population to reduce tariffs for housing and communal services, remove the corruption component in the structure of public administration, make the operation of the energy industry system transparent, and also raise social standards.
Back in 2017, experts and political scientists predicted Tymoshenko's victory in the next presidential election, and the Batkivshchyna party gave the palm in voting to the Verkhovna Rada. Yulia began her election campaign long before the official start, criticizing the failures of inept statesmen, trying to provoke early elections to the country's parliament.
Other prominent figures of the Ukrainian political scene are also fighting for the electorate of "Lady Yu". The leader of the "Radical Party" tried to win over part of Yulia Tymoshenko's voters to his side, and earlier the ex-president of Georgia tried to influence the sympathies of Ukrainians. Political observers also call the main competitor of Yulia Tymoshenko, because earlier the former pilot of the Ukrainian Air Force was a member of the Batkivshchyna party.
In March 2017, Yulia Vladimirovna demanded the resignation of the Groysman government, arguing this desire with economic circumstances. In addition, she accused the authorities of corruption and the total surrender of Ukraine's national interests when signing a memorandum with the IMF, which the country's leadership never presented to the public.
Donald Trump and Yulia Tymoshenko Tymoshenko's position in the political arena can be strengthened, because her trip to the United States, as well as a conversation with the American president, further reduced the confidence in Poroshenko and Groysman from foreign partners. Such a meeting of the leader of the Ukrainian opposition suggests that "Lady Yu" can get the support of the White House administration.
Personal life
Ukrainian society has always been interested in knowing about the men of Yulia Tymoshenko, but all her life there was only one lover next to “Lady Yu”. Even in her student years, she married Alexander Timoshenko, with whom the ascent to the heights of power began. In 1980, a young couple had a daughter, Eugene.
Later, the girl was married to British rocker Seann Carr. The high-profile wedding impressed Evgenia's compatriots, but the marriage lasted only 8 years, without giving the spouses children. After the divorce, Tymoshenko Jr. became the wife of a businessman from Ukraine, Artur Chechetkin. The couple had a long-awaited daughter.
In the family of the former Prime Minister of Ukraine, the roles were distributed according to vocation: the husband was engaged in business, and the charismatic wife devoted herself to politics. After the "gas scandal" Tymoshenko's husband also came under criminal prosecution, as a result of which he was forced to seek political asylum in the Czech Republic.
In addition to Tymoshenko's politics and personal life, the attention of the electorate is paid to the appearance of the "orange revolution icon". Yulia Vladimirovna’s wardrobe and hairstyle are not discussed only by the lazy, but she herself throws up topics for conversation. For example, elegant outfits that fit like a glove on her figure (politician's height is 163 cm, weight - no more than 70 kg).
The favorite feature of the most influential woman in Ukraine has always been a business suit in pastel colors and a tightly braided braid around her head, which she demonstrates in many photos in
Yulia Vladimirovna Timoshenko (Ukrainian Yuliya Volodimirivna Timoshenko; surname at birth Grigyan, before graduating from school she took the surname of Telegin's mother). She was born on November 27, 1960 in Dnepropetrovsk. Political and statesman of Ukraine, Prime Minister of Ukraine in February-September 2005 and December 2007 - March 2010, Vice Prime Minister of Ukraine for the fuel and energy complex (1999-2001), twice a presidential candidate.
The first and so far the only female prime minister in the history of Ukraine, as well as the first woman to hold this post in the CIS countries.
In the 1990s, she was considered one of the richest businessmen in Ukraine, but in 1999 her business was almost completely destroyed by the authorities. Since 2000, she has been known primarily as a politician and statesman.
Head of the All-Ukrainian Association "Batkivshchyna". In 2004 Tymoshenko (together with Yushchenko) was the organizer and leader of the Orange Revolution. In the Forbes magazine rating - the third most influential woman in the world in 2005. In the 2010 presidential election, she received 45.47% of the vote (3% less than the winner). In the 2014 presidential election, she took second place with 12.81% (2,309,812) of the votes.
In favor of Ukraine's integration into the EU and against participation in the Customs Union, he positions himself as a fighter against corruption. From the beginning of his political activity, he proclaims the struggle for the removal of oligarchic clans from power in Ukraine.
During the presidency of Viktor Yanukovych, a number of criminal cases were opened against Yulia Tymoshenko.
On August 5, 2011, Tymoshenko was arrested; on October 11, 2011, she was sentenced to 7 years in prison in the case of abuse of power and official authority when concluding gas contracts with Russia in January 2009.
The Danish Helsinki Committee, observing the trial, came to the conclusion that it was politically motivated and that there were gross violations of the European Convention on Human Rights.
In 2010-2013, the European Parliament adopted six resolutions calling Tymoshenko's persecution "politically motivated selective justice." In 2011-2013, the release of Tymoshenko and the termination of "politically motivated justice" in Ukraine became one of the main conditions for the signing of an association agreement with Ukraine by the European Union.
On April 30, 2013, the European Court of Human Rights decided “that the detention of Ms Tymoshenko as a preventive measure was arbitrary; that the lawfulness of her detention was not properly assessed, and that she had no opportunity to claim compensation for her unlawful deprivation of liberty.” A number of human rights activists consider Yulia Tymoshenko a political prisoner.
The same assessment is contained in the official report of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe “On the division of political and criminal responsibility”, approved by the Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights in Strasbourg on April 23, 2013. On February 22, 2014, after the change of power, the Verkhovna Rada released Tymoshenko from prison.
On February 28, 2014, the Kyiv District Court of Kharkiv closed the proceedings on the criminal case in the UESU due to the refusal of prosecutors to charge (due to the lack of corpus delicti). On April 14, 2014, the Supreme Court of Ukraine, during a joint meeting of all chambers, by a decision of 42 out of 48 judges, closed the "gas" case of Yulia Tymoshenko. On June 24, 2014, the full text of this decision was made public, in which the court concluded that there was no crime in this criminal case.
On March 29, 2014, the congress of the VO "Batkivshchyna" nominated Tymoshenko for the early presidential elections in Ukraine, where she took second place with 12.81% (2,309,812) of the votes. The key messages of Yulia Tymoshenko's election campaign were the eradication of corruption, the fight against oligarchs, the European path of Ukraine's development (in particular, the signing of the Association Agreement with the EU), countering "Russian aggression" and restoring the territorial integrity of Ukraine.
Biography of Yulia Tymoshenko
Julia Grigyan was born in Dnepropetrovsk on November 27, 1960 in the family of Vladimir Abramovich Grigyan and Lyudmila Nikolaevna Telegina. Her father left the family when Yulia was 3 years old.
Father - Vladimir Abramovich Grigyan, born December 3, 1937 in Dnepropetrovsk, nationality - Latvian, during the German occupation of Ukraine (1941-1943) lived with his mother in Dnepropetrovsk. His mother is Grigyan Maria Iosifovna (b. 1909). His father, Abram Kelmanovich Kapitelman (b. 1914), after graduating from Dnepropetrovsk State University in 1940, was sent to work in Western Ukraine (the department of public education of the Ivano-Frankivsk region), worked only one academic quarter as the director of a public school in the city of Snyatyn. In the autumn of 1940 he was mobilized into the army, died at the front on November 8, 1944 with the rank of senior lieutenant of the communications troops. The great-grandfather of Yulia Timoshenko, Kelman Gdalevich Kapitelman, lived in Kyiv during the Great Patriotic War.
Great-grandfather of Yulia Timoshenko - Iosif Iosifovich Grigyan (nationality - Latvian, according to Timoshenko herself - Grigyanis, and became Grigyan due to the mistake of the passport office), was born in Riga in 1884, in 1914 he moved to Yekaterinoslav (Dnepropetrovsk), where he worked conductor on the railway (at the station "Pilot"). He was first arrested in 1937; re-arrested in 1938 and was repressed (for letters from Latvia; the accusatory part of the criminal case says: “Grigan, discrediting Soviet power among the workers, praised the good life of the working class in the fascist countries: Germany and Poland”); served 10 years in the camps from 1938 to 1948; rehabilitated in 1963. His wife is Grigan Elena Titovna (b. 1893), Ukrainian, from the village of Martynovka (Poltava province).
Tymoshenko said about her ethnic origin: “On my father’s side, all Latvians up to the tenth knee, and on my mother’s side, all Ukrainians up to the tenth knee.”
In 1977, Yulia Timoshenko graduated from high school No. 75 in Dnepropetrovsk. He still helps the school. Before leaving school, she took her mother's surname - Telegina.
In 1978 she entered the Faculty of Automation and Telemechanics of the Dnepropetrovsk Mining Institute. The following year she married Alexander Timoshenko, in 1980 she gave birth to a daughter.
In 1981 she transferred to the Faculty of Economics of Dnepropetrovsk State University. In 1984 she graduated from the university with a degree in labor economics and received a diploma in engineering - economics with honors. In 1999, she defended her Ph.D. thesis at the Kiev National Economic University in the specialty “organization of management, planning and regulation of the economy” on the topic “State regulation of the tax system”. Received a PhD in Economics.
In 1984-1988 she worked as an engineer-economist at the Dnieper Machine-Building Plant named after. Lenin (DMZ) in Dnepropetrovsk.
In 1988 (at the beginning of perestroika), Yulia and Alexander Timoshenko borrowed 5,000 rubles and opened a cooperative "video rental point"; they were probably helped by Gennady Timoshenko (father of Alexander Timoshenko), who headed the "film distribution department" in the Dnepropetrovsk Regional Council.
In 1989, Julia and Alexander created the youth center "Terminal" (under the auspices of the "Dnepropetrovsk regional committee of the Komsomol"). In 1989-1991, Yulia Timoshenko was the commercial director of this center.
In 1991, together with her husband, she established the Ukrainian Gasoline Corporation. Since 1991 - commercial, then general director of the Ukrainian Gasoline Corporation JV (KUB). In 1995-1996, she headed the United Energy Systems of Ukraine (UESU) corporation created on the basis of the KUB.
The peak of UESU activity was reached in 1996-1997. There are statements on the Internet about the annual turnover of the UESU of 11 billion dollars, but this is an incredible figure, since the price of gas in those years was low (about 30 dollars per 1 thousand cubic meters) and to achieve such an amount, a batch of at 366 billion cubic meters. In reality, gas supplies through the UESU were ten times smaller, because in those years Ukraine bought about 60 billion cubic meters of gas from Russia. per year (in 2013 - 26 billion cubic meters; according to plans for 2014 - 18 billion cubic meters).
January 16, 1997 - May 12, 1998 - People's Deputy of Ukraine (Verkhovna Rada of the II convocation). Elected in the Bobrinetsky constituency No. 229 of the Kirovograd region. For Tymoshenko then voted 92.3% of voters.
May 12, 1998 - March 2, 2000 - People's Deputy of Ukraine (Verkhovna Rada of the III convocation). Elected in constituency No. 99 of the Kirovograd region. Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine Committee on Budget. In this position, he initiates budget reform, develops the first Budget Code of Ukraine, adopted in 2001, drafts of the Tax and Social Code, Pension reform, and social programs. In March 1999, she organized the Batkivshchyna parliamentary faction. She was one of the founders of the political party All-Ukrainian Association "Batkivshchyna", established in July 1999. On December 18 of the same year, she was elected chairman of the party.
December 30, 1999 was appointed Deputy Prime Minister for the heat and power complex in the government of Viktor Yushchenko. In this position, Tymoshenko carried out streamlining of affairs in the fuel and energy complex and mobilized significant sums to the state budget. These actions aroused resistance from the team of President Leonid Kuchma, and in August 2000 Yu. Tymoshenko's husband was arrested (“the UESU case of 1995-1997”).
On February 9, 2001, on the initiative of Tymoshenko, the National Salvation Forum (FNS) was created - a socio-political association in opposition to the Kuchma regime. On January 19, 2001, Tymoshenko was relieved of her post, and on February 13 she was arrested for "smuggling Russian gas to Ukraine" and for tax evasion when she was head of the UESU in 1995-1997. But on March 27, 2001, the Pechersky District Court of Kyiv canceled the sanction for the arrest of Tymoshenko, recognizing the charges against her as untenable, and she was released after serving 42 days in a pre-trial detention center.
On August 9, 2001, Alexander Timoshenko was released from custody by the decision of the Kiev-Svyatoshinsky court of the Kyiv region. On April 30, 2002, the Kiev-Svyatoshinsky court closed the criminal cases initiated against Yulia and Alexander Timoshenko, declaring them illegal. On April 9, 2003, this decision was confirmed by the Kyiv Court of Appeal. In September 2004, Tymoshenko filed a lawsuit against the actions of the General Prosecutor's Office of Ukraine, demanding to finally close all cases on the UESU.
On September 5-7, 2001, during the Economic Forum in Krinitsa (Poland), Yulia Tymoshenko represented Ukraine in the list of contenders for the title of "Person of the Year in Central and Eastern Europe" (the only woman among the contenders).
In November 2001, the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc (BYuT) was created on the basis of the National Salvation Forum.
On March 31, 2002, in the elections to the Verkhovna Rada, the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc received 7.26% of the vote. The BYuT faction in the Verkhovna Rada included 24 deputies.
In September 2002, together with other opposition leaders, he led the action "Arise, Ukraine!" against the regime of Leonid Kuchma. As part of the campaign, she made a tour of many cities of Ukraine.
During 2003 - the first half of 2004, negotiations continued between the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc, Our Ukraine Bloc and the Socialist Party on creating a coalition and nominating a single candidate for the post of President of Ukraine. Yulia Tymoshenko refused to run in the elections in favor of Viktor Yushchenko.
On July 2, 2004, Yulia Tymoshenko, on behalf of the BYuT, signed with V. Yushchenko the "Agreement on the Creation of the Power of the People" coalition, created in support of Viktor Yushchenko in the presidential elections, which provided for the possibility for Tymoshenko to head the future government.
On July 3, 2004, the presidential campaign began. During the election campaign, Yushchenko usually paid more attention to the topic of patriotism, while Tymoshenko spoke more often on the topic of "fighting the oligarchs in order to improve the lives of the people, small and medium-sized businesses." Tymoshenko also had influence on the "patriotic voter", in particular due to the fact that the BYuT included prominent national patriots and dissidents (in particular, S. Khmara and L. Lukyanenko).
On the eve of the second round of elections, Tymoshenko called on opposition supporters to gather on Independence Square in Kyiv on November 21-22 to defend the results of her will. On November 21, 2004, when it became known that the elections were rigged, she called for a strike. Tymoshenko became one of the leaders of mass protests against the falsification of the presidential elections, which were called the "Orange Revolution".
Tymoshenko took an active part in the Orange Revolution as the second leader after Viktor Yushchenko. The agreements between the members of the Power of the People coalition (Our Ukraine Bloc and BYuT) included V. Yushchenko's promise to appoint Y. Tymoshenko Prime Minister if he wins the presidential election .
Tymoshenko was one of the leaders of the National Salvation Committee - "the people's body for the defense of the Constitution of Ukraine" - created on November 25, 2004. On December 26, 2004, as a result of a repeated vote in the second round of the presidential elections in Ukraine, Viktor Yushchenko won with a score of 51.99% of the vote. supported by 44.2% of voters.
In June 2004, before the start of the presidential elections in Ukraine, the Chief Military Prosecutor's Office of Russia put Tymoshenko on the international wanted list on charges of "giving bribes to high-ranking officials of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation in order to conclude a contract for the supply of building materials at clearly inflated prices." In Ukraine, the case against Tymoshenko was closed shortly after the victory of the "orange revolution", and the criminal case of the Russian prosecutor's office was closed in December 2005 due to the statute of limitations.
At the end of January 2005, two days after the appointment of Tymoshenko and. about. Prime Minister, Prosecutor General of Russia Ustinov said that if Tymoshenko came to Russia, she would be arrested. However, on February 15, after the Verkhovna Rada confirmed Tymoshenko in office, Prosecutor General Ustinov said that "there will be no problems if she wants to come to Moscow," but the criminal case was not closed. “The possibility of Tymoshenko's arrival and the continuation of the investigation of the criminal case against her are in no way connected with each other, the investigation will continue,” Ustinov said then.
On March 19, the visit of the President of Russia to Kyiv took place. In particular, Vladimir Putin met Yulia Timoshenko for the first time. Their negotiations were successful - Yulia Tymoshenko stated that there were no unsolvable problems between Ukraine and Russia. She assured the guest of her readiness to support all the Russian initiatives discussed during her visit, except for the creation of the Common Economic Space.
On April 4, 2005, while President Viktor Yushchenko left for a visit to the United States, Yulia Tymoshenko announced that she had received an invitation to pay a working visit to Russia, where she was scheduled to meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin, Prime Minister Mikhail Fradkov, as well as with representatives Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs. April 14-15 was named as the agreed date for the visit.
But on April 11, Prosecutor General Ustinov announced that the case against Tymoshenko had not been closed: "She is still on the wanted list." True, he immediately added that the visit "will be carried out in accordance with the protocol and international standards."
On April 13, it became known that the visit was postponed. President Yushchenko, in a televised speech on April 13, asked the Prime Minister to refrain from traveling abroad "due to the need to organize a large amount of spring field work in a short time, as well as to urgently solve problems in the oil market." Also, the Minister of Economy of Ukraine, Serhiy Terekhin, said: “When such statements by the prosecutor are made before the first visit of the prime minister to Russia, this is an international scandal.”
On April 20, it was announced that Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko would visit Moscow instead of Tymoshenko.
After all, Yulia Timoshenko visited Russia only after leaving the post of prime minister, in September 2005. In Moscow, she met with representatives of the Prosecutor General's Office, answered their questions and, according to Tymoshenko, all charges against her were dropped. The main military prosecutor's office of Russia announced only on December 26, 2005 that the criminal case against Yulia Timoshenko in Russia was terminated due to the expiration of the statute of limitations. However, Yulia Tymoshenko's lawyer suggests that in order to close the unpromising case, the prosecutor's office apparently had to re-qualify it.
January 24, 2005 appointed and. about. prime minister of Ukraine. On February 4, 2005, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine approved Yulia Tymoshenko as the country's prime minister - 375 votes in favor (out of 450). Even within the framework of the Agreements on the Power of the People coalition, Tymoshenko was assigned the post of prime minister. When explaining this appointment, V. Yushchenko said, "And, perhaps, the most important thing... There are great hopes among the public: the president is Yushchenko, the prime minister is Yulia Tymoshenko."
It is worth noting that Tymoshenko did not have a single minister from the BYuT in this Cabinet of Ministers, except for Tymoshenko herself (only the post of head of the SBU was taken by A. Turchynov); Yushchenko also did not appoint a single governor from BYuT. However, almost all the ministers of the first Cabinet of Ministers Tymoshenko supported her in subsequent confrontations with Yushchenko.
The main points that characterized the internal economic activity of the Cabinet of Ministers of Yulia Tymoshenko were:
Raising salaries, pensions, scholarships - one and a half to two times (in September 2005 compared to June 2004);
- Fulfilling the pre-election promises of President V. Yushchenko, in 2005 the government increased the size of the lump-sum allowance for the birth of a child by 12 times (before 1.1.2004 - 320 UAH; after 1.1.2004 - 684 UAH; 1.4.2005 - 8497.6 UAH .; 1.1.2008 - UAH 12,240 for the first child, UAH 25,000 for the second, UAH 50,000 for the third);
- the campaign "Smuggling - stop" and the removal of the "oligarchic business" from the shadows. At the same time, these "actions to curb smuggling" hurt some of the medium-sized businesses;
- statements about the need for mass re-privatization of 3,000 enterprises. As a result, control was returned to the state only over the largest metallurgical plant, Krivorozhstal (which was resold in October 2005 six times more expensive, that is, almost $ 4 billion more expensive. At the same time, for the period 1991-2004, "revenues from privatization in Ukraine" amounted to only "about $8.5 billion"). On June 16, 2005, President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko, Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada Volodymyr Lytvyn and Yulia Tymoshenko signed a memorandum on guarantees of property rights and ensuring the rule of law in their implementation; after signing the document, Viktor Yushchenko said that "the Ukrainian authorities have put an end to the discussion on problematic issues of privatization" - they say that there will be no re-privatization, since there are no funds for this in the budget;
- in April-May 2005, the so-called "gasoline crisis" and "sugar crisis" passed, when the prices for sugar and gasoline rose by 30% -50% in 2-3 weeks. These "crises" had signs of "cartel collusion". The Tymoshenko government returned prices to their previous levels a month later (acting mainly by market methods - “commodity interventions”). However, during the "gasoline crisis" Yushchenko sharply criticized Tymoshenko at a meeting of the National Security and Defense Council for "pressure on wholesalers of gasoline."
In the summer of 2005, there were reports in the press that in the fall of 2005, Tymoshenko's cabinet would be dismissed, and Poroshenko would take the post of prime minister.
On August 24, on the Independence Day of Ukraine, in a speech on the Maidan, President Yushchenko called the Tymoshenko Cabinet the best. However, on September 8, 2005, two weeks after A. Zinchenko defiantly left his post, who accused Poroshenko of "corruption and conspiracy", Viktor Yushchenko dismissed Yulia Tymoshenko's government due to conflicts within the executive branch of power. At the same time, Yushchenko fired National Security and Defense Council Secretary Poroshenko, who was at the epicenter of a corruption scandal, and granted the resignation of State Secretary Alexander Zinchenko. According to Tymoshenko, Yushchenko dismissed her under the influence of his entourage, "to divert attention from accusations of corruption in his entourage," and also because her rating exceeded the popularity of the President.
Characteristically, even B. Berezovsky did not support Yushchenko on the issue of the resignation of the Tymoshenko Cabinet: “Remember, they said that this is a“ revolution of millionaires against billionaires ”, the millionaire who does not dream of becoming a billionaire is bad, but as soon as they got power, they began what is called to divide the captured. Tymoshenko, of course, interfered.” At the same time, Berezovsky spoke positively about the activities of ex-premier Tymoshenko: "Her work as prime minister was very worthy."
Also, public opinion in Ukraine condemned Poroshenko and Yushchenko. This condemnation manifested itself in the parliamentary elections in March 2006, in which for the first time BYuT surpassed Our Ukraine: the opposition BYuT received 129 seats, and the presidential Our Ukraine - 81 (although 22 deputies were elected from BYuT in the previous parliamentary elections of 2002). , and from "Our Ukraine" - 112).
GDP growth rates under this Timoshenko government were slightly higher than in the European Union, although significantly lower than in Russia.
Back in 2000, as Deputy Prime Minister for the Fuel and Energy Complex in Yushchenko's government, Tymoshenko announced the need to limit the power of the oligarchs in Ukraine. In February 2005, Prime Minister Tymoshenko announced that Ukraine's national wealth had been privatized for next to nothing through corruption schemes, and therefore the legality of privatization should be checked for 3,000 enterprises. The following steps were taken by the Cabinet of Ministers in this direction: the largest metallurgical plant in Ukraine, Kryvorizhstal, was reprivatized (privatization was carried out in 2004, without a tender, by the companies of Akhmetov and Pinchuk) - in October 2005, at an open tender, this enterprise was resold in six times more expensive, the difference between the privatizations of Kryvorizhstal in 2004 and 2005 was $4 billion.
Tymoshenko and her bloc BYuT did not allow the adoption of laws aimed at the privatization of agricultural land in Ukraine by large capital. Tymoshenko opposed the sale of Ukrainian agricultural land to both domestic and foreign oligarchs, thereby seeking to promote the development of small and medium businesses. The Ukrainian state resumed control over the Kyiv "Arsenal", Kharkov "Turboatom" (monopoly for the production of turbines for nuclear power plants) and a number of others. Tymoshenko did not allow the privatization of such strategic enterprises as Ukrtelecom, Odessa Port Plant.
All these events around the privatization of land, shelf and strategic enterprises had a huge impact on the political life of Ukraine and led to the political break of Tymoshenko not only with the Yanukovych team, but also with President Yushchenko.
Simultaneously with her resignation from the post of head of government, Yulia Tymoshenko was recognized as the person of the year in Central and Eastern Europe "for her outstanding and most significant positive contribution to the political and socio-economic development of the region and for achievements in her country in 2004-2005." This decision was made at the XV International Economic Forum in the Polish city of Krynica Gurskaya.
In April-May 2005, the so-called “gasoline and sugar crises” took place (price increases, in March - for gasoline 10%; in May for sugar - 50%), both crises had signs of a cartel and were investigated by the Antimonopoly Committee, which needed almost year to find the culprits. The largest sugar producers were accused and fined in the conspiracy: the Ukrainian Food Company of Igor Surkis and Valentyn Zgursky - UAH 6 million, Petro Poroshenko's Agroprodinvest and Sugar Union LLC of the Ukrros group. Deputy Prime Minister Mykola Tomenko called the "sugar crisis" "a crisis in the name of the Poroshenko family and the sugar business." “Petroleum products, as if by magic, appeared at many gas stations almost during a conversation between oil oligarchs and Yushchenko. Which once again confirms: Tymoshenko is right when she spoke about a conspiracy in the market ... The elimination of duties on gasoline and diesel fuel, the reduction of the maximum level of excise tax - all these actions of Prime Minister Tymoshenko made it possible to get out of the fuel chaos for a week, a maximum of two, ”Igor noted Lutsenko.
The Timoshenko Cabinet eliminated every "crisis" in a month by abolishing duties on gasoline and commodity interventions (in particular, cane sugar was imported). However, President Yushchenko at a meeting of the National Security and Defense Council sharply criticized Tymoshenko for putting pressure on wholesalers of gasoline: Yushchenko told her “that in this case she can write a letter of resignation and go along with the SDPU (o) and the Regions, blowing pipes and knocking drums ".
This was the first case of public contradictions between Yushchenko and Tymoshenko.
In mid-May 2005, a conflict arose over the "list of Kinakh" (a list of enterprises for reprivatization) - First Deputy Prime Minister Kinakh prepared this list on behalf of Viktor Yushchenko without consulting the prime minister. Yulia Tymoshenko spoke out as an opponent of selective re-privatization and for the adoption of the Law on re-privatization with fixed criteria.
Yushchenko soon accused the government of being seriously behind schedule, which would have ensured Ukraine's accession to the WTO as early as 2005. In his opinion, Tymoshenko introduced too many restrictions in several sectors of the Ukrainian economy, which created new obstacles to WTO accession.
After the resignation of the government of Yulia Tymoshenko, President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko, in an interview with the Associated Press on September 13, 2005, accused Tymoshenko of using the position of prime minister to write off the debts of her former company UESU to the state budget in the amount of 8 billion hryvnia. Yushchenko's statement did not have any continuation, although he, as president, had the opportunity to influence the Security Service of Ukraine and the Prosecutor General's Office. Tymoshenko herself chose not to respond to the accusations, but stated that Yushchenko was using the same methods against her that the Kuchma administration had previously used.
Attempts at serious investigations in a number of Ukrainian media have shown that the size of the disputed amount ranges from 5.2 billion to 8 billion hryvnias, and the amount itself is not a debt, but is penalties calculated by the KRU against the UESU based on the results of 3 checks.
Petro Poroshenko claimed the post of prime minister in the new government. On February 8, 2005, he was appointed to the post of Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine. Poroshenko said that "all issues of the Cabinet of Ministers are within the scope of the National Security and Defense Council." Yushchenko later stated that the National Security and Defense Council should become "the only place where all strategic decisions will be made." In fact, Yushchenko and Poroshenko began to create a system of duplicating the Cabinet of Ministers from the National Security and Defense Council.
On March 29, 2005, Viktor Yushchenko publicly admitted that there was a conflict in his team between Yulia Tymoshenko and Petro Poroshenko and that he was "trying to settle these differences."
Already on April 14, the head of the Zhytomyr regional organization of Yulia Tymoshenko's Batkivshchyna party, Oleg Antipov, said that Tymoshenko had told him that she would probably be removed from her post as head of the cabinet in May or September. Later, her prediction came true.
In April, after publications in the press, Tymoshenko said: “It is quite obvious that there are certain circles in Ukraine who are simply raving about such a development of events. However, their dreams have no chance of being realized.” Viktor Yushchenko also denied information about the possibility of the resignation of Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko. "It's just nonsense," Yushchenko said. - “Yulia Vladimirovna will work for a long time and will live for a long time. God forbid that there were any suspicions.
In July 2005, the American Forbes magazine, ranking the 100 most influential women in the world, names Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko the third most influential woman on the planet.
On September 26, 2005, the Main Military Prosecutor's Office of the Russian Federation stopped the international search for Yulia Tymoshenko and canceled the decision on a measure of restraint in the form of detention in a case initiated in 2001 on charges of bribing officials of the Russian Ministry of Defense in 1996, when Tymoshenko headed the UESU. On December 26, 2005, the case was closed due to the statute of limitations.
On November 11, 2005, the Supreme Court of Ukraine, at a joint meeting of the Judicial Chamber for Criminal Cases and the Military Judicial Collegium, canceled all criminal cases that were initiated against Yulia Tymoshenko, her family members and supporters.
On March 26, 2006, in the parliamentary elections, the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc received 22.27% of the vote, losing only to the Party of Regions and coming out on top in 14 regions. The alleged “orange” coalition (BYuT, Our Ukraine, SPU) won 243 seats in the Verkhovna Rada, that is, a confident majority (the Party of Regions won 186 seats). However, the so-called "coalition-2006" began - negotiations between the BYuT, "Our Ukraine" and the SPU on the creation of a coalition dragged on for more than four months.
There is an assumption that the position for Poroshenko has again become a stumbling block in the creation of a “coalition of democratic forces”. Since the post of prime minister was already unrealistic for him, on May 27, 2006, members of the faction of the Our Ukraine bloc decided to nominate Poroshenko for the post of chairman of the Verkhovna Rada. A. Moroz spoke out against such a decision. But on June 22, 2006, a coalition agreement was nevertheless signed on the creation of the "Democratic Coalition", according to which Tymoshenko became prime minister, and Poroshenko was assigned the post of chairman of the Verkhovna Rada.
However, the leader of the Socialist Party of Ukraine A. Moroz (who had already held this position in the 1990s) claimed the post of chairman of the Verkhovna Rada. He indignantly stated that Poroshenko had discredited himself in 2005. In the end, Moroz agreed with the Party of Regions and on July 6, 2006 Moroz was elected chairman of the Verkhovna Rada, and on July 7 the creation of the Anti-Crisis Coalition was officially announced (it included the Party of Regions, the Communist Party of Ukraine and the SPU), and Our Ukraine "Informally joined on August 4, 2006 - 8 ministers from Our Ukraine entered the second Yanukovych government. This coalition invited President Yushchenko to submit Yanukovych's candidacy for the post of prime minister to the Verkhovna Rada.
WikiLeaks on the true motives of the 2006 coalition:
Due to the 2006 coalition, Tymoshenko did not receive the post of prime minister. To an outside observer, the "coalition-2006" seemed absurd - for three months, news releases on television daily discussed more and more insignificant demands from Our Ukraine to BYuT and SPU without any progress towards creating a coalition.
Political analysts speculated that the "coalition" only concealed the alliance between Yushchenko and Yanukovych against Tymoshenko. Indeed, the business wing of Our Ukraine had close contacts with the Party of Regions. Throughout 2005-2010, Tymoshenko repeatedly spoke out against the private company RosUkrEnergo, which was the main intermediary in the trade in "Russian natural gas" in Ukraine. Tymoshenko, on the other hand, sought to ensure that natural gas trade between Ukraine and Russia was carried out only by the state-owned companies Gazprom and Naftogaz Ukrainy. In this, she was supported by Prime Minister Putin and not supported by President Yushchenko, who consistently defended RosUkrEnergo, since the "Ukrainian part of the company" belonged to Yushchenko's friend Firtash and representatives of the "Party of Regions" Boyko, Lyovochkin.
The second issue was the transfer of the shelf of the Black and Azov Seas to the long-term lease of the company "Venko". Firtash and regional Akhmetov again stood behind Venko. It should be noted that it was in April 2006 that the resolution on the lease of the shelf for the company "Venko" was approved by the votes of the PR and NU, that is, the PR and NU perfectly found a common language on such an important issue during the coalition. It was these most confrontational issues that clashed between the interests of the state of Ukraine and the private companies RosUkrEnergo and Venko.
However, until now, the 2006 coalition and Universal Yushchenko-Yanukovych looked as if Yushchenko had been forced into an alliance with the PR by the force of irresistible circumstances and Moroz's position. But in December 2010, the WikiLeaks website published secret reports of the US ambassador to Ukraine, which states that on March 22, 2006 (that is, 4 days before voting day in the 2006 elections), Defense Minister Gritsenko (who was part of Yushchenko's inner circle) met with the ambassador USA for an important conversation. Gritsenko told the ambassador that last week he had been negotiating with R. Akhmetov (whom the ambassador called the "Godfather of the Party of Regions") about the attitude of the "Party of Regions" towards NATO. Gritsenko persistently convinced the ambassador that:
1) a coalition of Our Ukraine and the Party of Regions is quite possible;
2) in such a coalition, the "Party of Regions" will not seek to revise Yushchenko's plans for Ukraine's entry into NATO (provided that Gritsenko retains the post of Minister of Defense).
The result of the “coalition-2006” and “Universal” was precisely the union of the PR and NU, and Gritsenko remained in the position of Minister of Defense (there were 8 ministers from NU in Yanukovych’s Cabinet). Thus, the materials of Wikileaks say that the puffs in the "coalition-2006" took place quite consciously and achieved the planned goals.
In October-December 2006, almost all ministers from Our Ukraine were fired from Yanukovych's cabinet. Since December 2006, Yulia Tymoshenko and Yuriy Lutsenko have been holding rallies all over Ukraine, calling for the dissolution of the Verkhovna Rada.
In February 2007, the ruling "anti-crisis coalition" began to expand with defector deputies from the Our Ukraine and BYuT factions. If this process continued, the parliamentary coalition could win a constitutional majority of 300 votes, which would allow it to override the presidential veto, which President Yushchenko could not allow, but he took a wait and see attitude.
February 28 - March 2, 2007 Yulia Tymoshenko was on a visit to the United States. It took place three months after Prime Minister Yanukovych's visit to the United States. The main purpose of the visit was to convey to the American leadership (Tymoshenko met with Vice President Dick Cheney; Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and National Security Adviser Stephen Hadley) "the main problem in Ukrainian politics": Yanukovych's actions to unconstitutionally expand the ruling coalition may lead to the actual removal of Yushchenko from power. The way out of this situation, in her opinion, should be: the dissolution of the Verkhovna Rada and early parliamentary elections. In addition to meetings with senior members of the Bush administration, Yulia Tymoshenko spoke at the Kennedy Center for Strategic Studies and the National Press Club, and received an award from the influential non-governmental organization Conservative Political Action Conference for "contribution to democracy."
On March 31, 2007, a rally of thousands took place in Kyiv, led by Y. Tymoshenko, V. Kirilenko and Y. Lutsenko. It included calls for President Yushchenko to dissolve the Verkhovna Rada and call re-elections.
On April 2, 2007, Viktor Yushchenko signed a decree "On the early termination of the powers of the Verkhovna Rada" and scheduled extraordinary elections of people's deputies for May 27, 2007. The united opposition took the side of the president, which included: the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc, the block of political parties Our Ukraine and the public movement People's Self-Defense of Yuriy Lutsenko.
To ensure the dissolution of the Verkhovna Rada, the deputies of the BYuT factions (including Yulia Tymoshenko) and Our Ukraine on May 31-June 1, 2007 filed applications for withdrawal from the factions, and on June 2, the congresses of the BYuT and Our Ukraine decided to terminate their powers in accordance 129 and 66 people's deputies, which, according to the Constitution, made the Verkhovna Rada non-authoritative. This became another reason for the dissolution of the Verkhovna Rada and the holding of early parliamentary elections. Parliamentary elections in Ukraine (2007) were held on 30 September 2007. BYuT took second place on them, having received 30.71% of the votes and 156 seats in parliament and thus increasing its representation by 27 seats. The majority of 227 deputies formed the factions of the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc and the Our Ukraine - People's Self-Defense Bloc.
According to the results of the Verkhovna Rada elections on November 29, 2007, a ruling coalition of the BYuT and NUNS factions was created, these factions numbered 229 deputies. On December 4, 2007, the BYuT and NUNS coalition nominated Yulia Tymoshenko for the post of Prime Minister of Ukraine. On December 18, 2007, the ruling coalition approved Yulia Tymoshenko as head of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine (226 votes in a roll call; on the second attempt, after an unsuccessful vote for her on December 11).
On January 16, 2008, Tymoshenko's cabinet approved the draft government program "Ukrainian breakthrough: for people, not for politicians" and submitted it to the Verkhovna Rada for consideration. The program basically repeated the pre-election program of the BYuT: it provided for an increase in salaries and pensions, the development of industry, and the strengthening of the fight against corruption.
Fulfilling its election promise, on January 11, 2008, Tymoshenko's cabinet began paying depositors of the USSR Sberbank - each depositor was paid a thousand hryvnias at the rate of 1 hryvnia for 1 Soviet ruble.
During the Russian-Georgian military conflict in August 2008, Prime Minister Tymoshenko took a balanced position (in contrast to the statements of Yushchenko, who soon visited Tbilisi). Tymoshenko limited herself to calling for an immediate cessation of hostilities. In response, officials from the Secretariat of President Viktor Yushchenko accused her of "treason." Commenting on this accusation, Tymoshenko said that "it is necessary to hire a carpenter and change the sign on the Secretariat of the President of Ukraine to 'Ward number six'."
The second premiership of Yulia Tymoshenko fell on the period of the global financial and economic crisis of 2008-2009, which posed numerous non-standard challenges for the government. On the other hand, the situation was complicated by a confrontation with the President, who actively interfered in the work of the Cabinet of Ministers. Yushchenko's representatives made up the majority in the government.
On September 16, 2008, the NUNS faction left the ruling coalition and the breakup of the coalition with BYuT was officially announced. However, having failed to recreate the coalition, on October 8, 2008, President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko announced the dissolution of the Verkhovna Rada, the decree set the date for early parliamentary elections - December 7, 2008. Two days later, on October 10, the BYuT prepared all the documents for a judicial appeal against the decision of the President of Ukraine on early parliamentary elections.
And already on October 10, 2008, the District Administrative Court of Kyiv suspended the decree of the President of Ukraine on the early termination of the powers of the Verkhovna Rada. The political crisis ended with the election of Volodymyr Lytvyn to the post of Speaker on December 8, 2008. The next day, Volodymyr Lytvyn announced the restoration of the democratic coalition, which now also included the Lytvyn Bloc. The coalition agreement was signed by 226 deputies - the Tymoshenko Cabinet continued its work.
On December 18, 2008, Tymoshenko for the first time accused the National Bank of deliberately manipulating the hryvnia, and President Yushchenko of colluding with the leadership of the NBU, which led to the fall of the national currency to the level of 8 hryvnia per US dollar. On February 25, 2009, the prime minister again accused the leadership of the NBU of continuing to deliberately manipulate the hryvnia exchange rate.
On July 11, 2008 and February 5, 2009, the Verkhovna Rada twice did not support the initiative of the Party of Regions of no confidence in the Tymoshenko government.
On June 7, 2009, BYuT leader Yulia Tymoshenko began negotiations with Viktor Yanukovych's Party of Regions on amending the Constitution of Ukraine (300 votes are required to make changes) and on a "broad coalition" with the Party of Regions. These changes were to reduce President Yushchenko's powers; However, Viktor Yanukovych at a decisive moment announced his withdrawal from the negotiation process (the parties did not trust each other, politicians and the press were also extremely skeptical about the possibility of such cooperation). Nevertheless, these negotiations nevertheless gave a result - President Yushchenko did not try to dismiss Tymoshenko's Cabinet until the end of 2009.
In September 2009, the Kyiv Pechersky District Court banned "any publication of unfair advertising" about the activities of the head of government and the use of Tymoshenko's election campaign slogan "She works."
As a result of the global economic crisis in 2008, Ukraine experienced: an increase in external debt from 12.31% of GDP in 2007 to 35.38% in 2009; in 2008, the hryvnia devalued by 60%; in 2009 Ukraine's GDP decreased by 14.8%; in 2008 and 2009 inflation in Ukraine was 25.2% and 15.9% respectively.
The absence of a contract for the supply of gas to Ukraine in 2009 and the debt of the intermediary company RosUkrEnergo to the Russian side in the amount of $2400000000 led to a new gas conflict between Ukraine and Russia (in particular, RosUkrEnergo did not pay for 11200000000 cubic meters of gas pumped into the Ukrainian gas storage).
Yulia Tymoshenko demanded to remove RosUkrEnergo from the gas market and switch to direct contracts with the Russian Federation. During 2005-2010, Tymoshenko repeatedly spoke out against the intermediary company RosUkrEnergo, which Yushchenko consistently defended (the Ukrainian part of the company belonged mainly to Yushchenko's friend, Dmitry Firtash (45%)). On the Russian side, the state company Gazprom was the owner of a 50% stake in RosUkrEnergo. Ukraine began buying gas from Russia through RosUkrEnergo in 2006 under the Yanukovych government. There is reason to believe that this company is associated with the well-known crime boss Semyon Mogilevich, who is considered the real force behind billionaire Firtash. The gas that Ukraine imported through RosUkrEnergo was used primarily for the needs of large enterprises owned by oligarchs.
On October 2, 2008, Tymoshenko signed a Memorandum with Prime Minister Putin of the Russian Federation, which provided for the elimination of intermediaries in gas trade between Ukraine and Russia and determined in detail the terms of future gas contracts for the coming years. Soon, in order to ensure the agreements recorded in the Memorandum, NJSC Naftogaz of Ukraine and OAO Gazprom signed an agreement on the principles of long-term cooperation in the gas sector. The parties, in particular, agreed to sign on November 1, 2008, long-term contracts for the supply and transit of gas and on the transition within three years to "market, economically justified and mutually agreed prices" for gas for Ukrainian consumers. However, the signing of the contracts, scheduled for December 31, 2008, was disrupted. Alexey Miller, Chairman of the Board of Gazprom, said that the negotiations between Gazprom and Naftogaz Ukrainy were disrupted by RosUkrEnergo: “At the end of December, the prime ministers of Russia and Ukraine came to an agreement, and our companies were ready to agree on a gas price of $ 235 for 1000 cu. m. subject to joint export operations from the territory of Ukraine. RosUkrEnergo then offered to buy gas for Ukraine at a price of $285.”
On December 31, President Yushchenko, having ordered the head of Naftogaz Ukrainy Oleg Dubina not to sign agreements with Gazprom and stop negotiations, recalled the Naftogaz delegation from Moscow. This drastically aggravated the situation. The RosUkrEnergo company, acting, in particular, through President Yushchenko's secretariat, managed to disrupt the signing of the "gas" contracts, which was scheduled for December 31, 2008.
Russian President Dmitry Medvedev and Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin spoke in favor of eliminating the gas intermediary and at the same time noted that part of the Ukrainian establishment was preventing this.
Yulia Tymoshenko said on January 14, 2009: “Negotiations that have been successfully moving since October 2, 2008 to provide Ukraine with natural gas at a price of $235 for Ukrainian consumers and transit within the range of 1.7-1.8 - these negotiations were disrupted the fact that, unfortunately, Ukrainian politicians tried to save "RosUkrEnergo as a shadow corrupt intermediary ... Negotiations between the two prime ministers, and then between Naftogaz and Gazprom were destroyed by those political forces in Ukraine that received and plan to receive corrupt benefits from the work of RosUkrEnergo”.
From 9:00 on January 1, 2009, Gazprom completely stopped gas supplies to Ukraine. On January 4, 2009, the Russian monopoly offered to supply gas to Ukraine in January at a price of $450 per 1,000 cubic meters. Teplokommunenergo enterprises worked at the limit of their capabilities, there was a threat of the collapse of the entire Ukrainian housing and communal services system. At the same time, the reduction of gas supplies to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe began. On January 7, Russia completely stopped gas transit through the territory of Ukraine. The European Union made a number of statements demanding that Russia and Ukraine immediately resolve the conflict and resume gas supplies to the EU countries.
On January 17, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev said that part of the Ukrainian delegation at the talks defended the need to keep the mediator, referring to "instructions received from above."
On January 18, 2009, as a result of lengthy negotiations, Prime Ministers Putin and Tymoshenko agreed to resume gas transportation to Ukraine and the EU countries. The agreements included the following:
1. Transition to direct contractual relations between Gazprom and Naftogaz Ukrainy, elimination of non-transparent intermediaries, intermediary RosUkrEnergo was eliminated;
2. The introduction of the formulaic principle of pricing for Ukraine, which is typical for other European countries (the formula included the cost of fuel oil on world markets, etc.), which prevented annual disputes about the price of gas;
3. Transition to a transit rate (2.7 US dollars), which is close to the European average.
According to the new gas contracts, the average price for Russian natural gas for Ukraine in 2009 was $232.98 per 1,000 cubic meters. meters - taking into account the 20 percent discount agreed by the parties. Immediately after the signing of the contracts, Russia resumed gas supplies to Europe.
On January 29, 2009, information appeared in the media that the Ukrainian co-owners of RosUkrEnergo, Dmitry Firtash and Ivan Fursin, were put on the federal wanted list in Russia in connection with their involvement in the activities of S. Mogilevich.
The National Electricity Regulatory Commission of Ukraine (NERC), following the recommendation of the National Security and Defense Council under the leadership of President V. Yushchenko, increased gas prices for the population by 35% from December 1, 2008. In addition, the government was forced to go for an increase from June 1, 2009 by 5-10% of prices for population groups consuming large volumes of gas - due to a change in the structure of consumption and, as a result, to the financial imbalance of NJSC Naftogaz of Ukraine. However, Yu. Tymoshenko resolutely opposed further attempts by the President to raise gas tariffs for the population. On June 11, 2009, after a meeting on the financial situation at NJSC Naftogaz Ukrainy, at which it was decided to increase gas tariffs, Prime Minister of Ukraine Yulia Tymoshenko said: “I categorically object to raising the price of gas for people. I made a commitment that during this year the price of gas for the population will not change, and I will stick to my word.” Tariffs have not been increased.
The transition to the market principle of gas pricing was the first major step towards Ukraine's energy independence. Its further strengthening directly depends on the development of the course towards energy conservation and diversification of energy sources initiated by the government of Yulia Tymoshenko.
June 7, 2009 Yulia Tymoshenko officially announced her desire to run for the presidency of Ukraine. On September 12, 2009, with a big concert on Independence Square in Kyiv, an all-Ukrainian tour called “With Ukraine in the Heart” began in support of the future presidential candidate Yulia Tymoshenko. Popular Ukrainian musical performers were involved in the tour.
On October 24, 2009, the delegates of the IX Congress of the All-Ukrainian Association "Fatherland", which was held on Independence Square, unanimously voted for the nomination of Yulia Tymoshenko as a presidential candidate. At the same time, about 200 thousand citizens were present. On October 31, 2009, the Central Election Commission decided to register Yulia Tymoshenko as a candidate for the post of President of Ukraine.
In the first round on January 17, 2010, with a score of 25.05% of the vote, she took second place (Viktor Yanukovych took first place with 35.32% of the vote).
Four days before the second round, on February 3, 2010, deputies of the Verkhovna Rada - members of the factions of the Party of Regions, the Communist Party, the Our Ukraine - People's Self-Defense bloc and non-factional ones - at a specially convened extraordinary session of parliament adopted amendments to the law on presidential elections regarding the principles formation and organization of the work of election commissions. BYuT stated that these changes create prerequisites for large-scale electoral fraud. Yulia Tymoshenko called on the President to veto the adopted law. The former co-rapporteur of the Monitoring Committee of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe on Ukraine, Hanne Severinsen, addressed V. Yushchenko with the same appeal. In her appeal, it was noted that "the Party of Regions again, as in 2004, is trying to create conditions for electoral fraud." Despite this, President Yushchenko signed the law. This caused international criticism, in particular from the Council of Europe and the Helsinki Commission of the US Congress. The Committee of Voters of Ukraine stated that the amendments to the electoral law "embed the biggest threats to democracy in the second round." Before the second round of elections, Yushchenko announced the expediency of voting against both candidates. Tymoshenko said that this is "a crude, cynical technology, which, in fact, is a betrayal of Ukraine."
In the second round on February 7, 2010, Tymoshenko received the support of 45.47% of the population, while her rival Viktor Yanukovych was supported by 48.95% of voters.
After the CEC of Ukraine announced the final protocol, which recognized Viktor Yanukovych as the elected president, Yulia Tymoshenko appealed to the Supreme Administrative Court of Ukraine with a demand to recognize the elections as rigged. The Supreme Administrative Court of Ukraine did not accept Yu. Tymoshenko's claim for consideration.
On February 22, 2010, in a televised address to citizens, Yulia Tymoshenko stated that she considers the presidential elections rigged and does not recognize their results.
On March 3, 2010, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine by a majority vote expressed no confidence in the government of Yulia Tymoshenko. 243 people's deputies voted for the decision (including seven from BYuT).
Since May 2010, a number of cases have been opened against Yulia Tymoshenko; the most famous cases are: on Kyoto money; on cars for rural medicine; under the "gas agreement with Russia dated 19.01.2009". Also, since May 2010, criminal cases have been opened against Tymoshenko's associates, against officials of the "Second Tymoshenko Government" (some of them are in jail for 8-14 months); they were mostly charged with abuse of power On April 28, 2010, Prime Minister Azarov of Ukraine stated that the actions of the Tymoshenko government caused damage to the state in the amount of 100 billion hryvnias, in connection with which Tymoshenko and officials should be held criminally liable. On May 12, 2010, Yulia Tymoshenko was handed a decision in the Prosecutor General's Office of Ukraine to initiate a criminal case against her on charges of trying to bribe judges (precisely in an “attempt”, and not regarding the “fact of a bribe”) in 2003-2004, although this case has already was closed back in 2004, under President Kuchma. At the same time, law enforcement agencies opened a number of criminal cases against Yulia Tymoshenko's associates, including against officials. Basically, they were accused of exceeding official powers.
After the local elections held on September 30, 2010, the Control and Audit Department completed the audit of the Tymoshenko Cabinet. Based on the audit, to which firms from the United States were involved (however, the US Embassy dissociated itself from these firms), 43 billion hryvnias of “abuses” were announced. Then, a month later, this amount was reduced by more than ten times to 320 million euros, and turned out not to be theft, but the misuse of funds received under the Kyoto Protocol. According to the rules of the Kyoto Protocol, this money should have been spent on planting forests, but the money was sent to the Pension Fund of Ukraine. After that, the case was reclassified as misappropriation of funds.
On March 17, 2011, at the initiative of the Party of Regions, a temporary investigative commission was established in the Verkhovna Rada to investigate the circumstances of the signing in 2009 of gas agreements between Naftogaz Ukrainy and Gazprom. On April 11, 2011, Renat Kuzmin announced the initiation of a new case "for abuse of power and official powers when concluding gas agreements with Russia in 2009." In the opinion of Tymoshenko and her associates, she is being tried for the fact that, according to an agreement with Russia, an intermediary in the gas trade, Dmitry Firtash's company RosUkrEnergo, was eliminated at those negotiations.
On October 11, 2011, the Pechersky District Court of Kyiv found Tymoshenko guilty of exceeding the powers of the Prime Minister of Ukraine. According to the court, Tymoshenko exceeded her powers as prime minister by ordering the conclusion of Ukrainian-Russian agreements on gas supplies and transit after negotiations on January 19, 2009 with Russian Prime Minister Putin, which, according to the court, led to losses for the state in face of Naftogaz in the amount of $189.5 million. The court sentenced Yulia Tymoshenko to 7 years in prison, deprived her of the right to hold certain positions in government for 3 years after serving her main sentence, and also ordered Naftogaz to pay $189 million in damages.
On January 18, 2013, the Prosecutor General's Office handed Yulia Tymoshenko a notice of suspicion of involvement in organizing the murder of businessman and MP Yevgeny Shcherban in 1996. Tymoshenko denied the accusations and called them absurd. Since February 6, 2013, the Kyiv Court of Appeal has been interrogating witnesses in this case. The meetings were held without the participation of Tymoshenko. The State Penitentiary Service reported that the ex-premier was refusing to go to court. However, Tymoshenko's defenders and herself repeatedly denied this and stated that, in fact, the jailers themselves did not want to transport her. Western countries regarded the new criminal case as a continuation of "clearly unfair and politically motivated trials against Tymoshenko and other members of the opposition."
After the armed clashes that took place on February 18-20, 2014 in Kyiv between opposition supporters and law enforcement forces, in which 82 people were killed, President Yanukovych was removed from power. On February 21, 2014, the Verkhovna Rada implemented with the national legislation the provisions of Article 19 of the UN Convention against Corruption, according to which the article under which Yulia Tymoshenko was convicted was decriminalized. This law was not signed by President Yanukovych, as required by the regulations. On February 22, the Supreme Council, on the basis of the decision of the European Court of Human Rights and the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, adopted a resolution "On the fulfillment of Ukraine's international obligations to release Tymoshenko Yu.V." On the basis of this decision, Tymoshenko was able to leave the hospital in Kharkov on the same day.
Arriving in Kyiv, Yulia Tymoshenko first visited Hrushevsky Street, where she paid tribute to the memory of the first victims of the confrontation with police special forces. After that, she performed at Independence Square.
On March 27, 2014, at a press conference in Kyiv, Yulia Tymoshenko announced that she intended to fight for the presidency of Ukraine in the May 2014 elections. On March 29, the congress of the VO "Batkivshchyna", which took place on Sophia Square, nominated her as a candidate for the post of President of Ukraine. On March 31, 2014, the CEC registered Yulia Tymoshenko as a candidate for the presidency of Ukraine. In the declaration of income for 2013 filed during registration, she indicated earnings of 180 thousand hryvnia (being the leader of the Batkivshchyna party), as well as an apartment with an area of 59.4 square meters.
On March 24, 2014, a recording of a telephone conversation between Tymoshenko and the former deputy secretary of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine Nestor Shufrych was published on the Internet. In the conversation, Tymoshenko speaks emotionally about the situation in Crimea, offering to "shoot Russians with nuclear weapons."
According to the results of the elections, Poroshenko won in the first round, 12.81% (2,309,812) of voters voted for Yulia Tymoshenko, who took second place.
In the 2014 parliamentary elections, Yulia Tymoshenko was elected a people's deputy of Ukraine.
On December 11, 2014, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine supported Yulia Tymoshenko's initiative to release her.
On April 21, 2015, Yulia Tymoshenko initiated the creation of a working group to verify the reasonableness of utility tariffs.
In 2015, Tymoshenko’s Batkivshchyna and the ultra-right Svoboda party came closer: political forces signed an agreement providing for the widest cooperation, mutual support in local elections and consolidation in local councils.
On May 23, 2016, at the initiative of Yulia Tymoshenko, the VO "Batkivshchyna" launched the website "Fair Tariffs", the materials of which explain the need to establish adequate gas tariffs for the population.
The growth of Yulia Tymoshenko: 160 centimeters.
Personal life of Yulia Tymoshenko:
Husband - Alexander Timoshenko (born June 11, 1960) married Yulia Telegina in November 1979, a businessman with solid experience. He was Yulia's lawyer during the trial against her in 2011.
In early 2012, he received asylum in the Czech Republic. Alexander Timoshenko was one of the organizers of the Euromaidan in Prague and created the International Public Association "Fatherland". He returned to Ukraine after the political crisis in Ukraine in 2013-2014 and the restoration of the Constitution of Ukraine as amended in 2004.
Daughter - Evgenia Timoshenko (born February 20, 1980), a graduate of the London School of Economics received a bachelor's degree in public administration and a master's degree in Russian and post-Soviet political science.
On October 1, 2005, she married British citizen Sean Carr (rock musician and owner of several stores) and adopted her husband's surname - Carr.
The marriage with Carr was terminated in early 2012, and on December 19, 2011, Evgenia returned her surname Tymoshenko. The change of surname is due to the fact that since the fall of 2011, Yevheniya has been actively involved in the campaign to release Yulia Tymoshenko: she spoke at the congress of the European People's Party, in the European Parliament, at hearings on Ukraine in the US Senate, in the OSCE, personally met with Angela Merkel and Silvio Berlusconi, the leaders of the European People's Party, with Council of Europe Secretary General Thorbjørn Jagland and other well-known politicians of the European Union and the United States.
The second husband of Evgenia Timoshenko is Arthur Chechetkin. On June 27, 2016, the couple had a daughter, who was named Eva.
In bed with Tymoshenko. New Russian sensations (19.04.2014)
In reality, the marriage of Yulia Tymoshenko with her husband Alexander has long been only on paper. And it is preserved for political and business reasons. Everyone lives their own life.
Yulia Tymoshenko in the 1990s was credited with an affair with Pavel Lazarenko. As the same former Deputy Prime Minister of the Ukrainian government, Dmitry Tabachnik, pointed out, it was through Lazarenko's boudoir that Yulia Tymoshenko made her career.
In the early 2000s, she had an affair with the famous politician Nestor Shufrich.
Recently, Yulia Tymoshenko has been credited with a relationship with her lawyer and fellow party member Sergei Vlasenko. In particular, during the imprisonment of the politician, a hidden camera recorded their passionate kiss. Also, the ex-wife of the lawyer Natalya Okunskaya spoke a lot about the relationship between Tymoshenko and Vlasenko in the press, claiming that.
The real family name of the Prime Minister of Ukraine Yulia Tymoshenko is Kapitelman. Such data was published at a press conference in Kyiv today, October 1, by a former associate of the head of the Ukrainian government Dmitry Chobit
. "I was prompted to investigate by Yulia Tymoshenko herself, who stated that on her paternal side all Latvians up to the tenth knee, and on the maternal side only Ukrainians. But when I started looking for information about the ancestors of Yulia Vladimirovna, I found documents that show her lies. According to the data I have verified, the ancestors of Yulia Tymoshenko independently changed their surname to Grigyan, and her real family surname is Kapitelman," Dmitry Chobit said.
Yulia Tymoshenko hides her origin between Ukraine, Armenia, Latvia and...
A lot has been written and said about the ethnic roots of one of the main actors in the Ukrainian political field - Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, who in every possible way emphasizes her "Ukrainianness" (although she admits that she learned the Ukrainian language only in 1999), a lot has been written and said. Today, when Tymoshenko's claims to the highest post of the Ukrainian state are practically beyond doubt, one should expect an intensification of the discussion around this topic. At one time, one of the Ukrainian sources prefaced his article about Yulia Tymoshenko in the following way:
"A native of Dnepropetrovsk, Yulia Timoshenko is of mixed Russian-Armenian origin. The names of her parents are Telegina and Grigyan. Like many future powers that be, Tymoshenko had a rather difficult childhood. Her father left the family when her daughter was only two years old. However, distinguished already in her youth by a strong character, the girl was able to quickly solve her personal problems. Yulia married the son of the Dnepropetrovsk regional boss Gennady Timoshenko Alexander and almost immediately became the real head of the family ... "
In a more acute form, the topic of the ethnicity of the Ukrainian prime minister was raised by the then Minister of Transport and Communications of Ukraine Yevgeny Chervonenko. Commenting on the beating of a Jewish youth in Kyiv, he suggested that Tymoshenko could have been quicker in condemning anti-Semitism, since she herself "has a Jewish mother and an Armenian father": "I am very surprised that there was no such reaction from the government itself and the prime minister." Minister. Moreover, Yulia Tymoshenko's mother is Jewish, and her father is Armenian. It was Armenians and Jews who were historically subjected to genocide," Chervonenko said.
Indeed, for a long time it was believed that Armenian blood flows in Tymoshenko's veins, because her maiden name is Grigyan. However, the BYuT leader herself denied these rumors. “On my father’s side, all Latvians up to the tenth generation, and on my mother’s side, all Ukrainians,” she said. According to Tymoshenko, "due to the mistake of the passport office staff, Vladimir Griganis turned into Grigyan."
Meanwhile, finding the origins of the Griganis family in Latvia turned out to be a complex matter. As it turned out, there is a surname Grigjanis in Latvia, in this case it is pronounced in Russian as "Grigjanis". But even such a surname is extremely rare in Latvia. There are simply no direct analogies with "Grigyanis" in Latvia. On the other hand, if the prime minister's words are true that her father's side is all Latvians up to the tenth generation, then such a surname in small Latvia would be quite common. Otherwise, it can be assumed that in the Grigyanis (Grigyanis) family, all ten generations were born exclusively girls. More often in Latvia, the variant Grigjans is found - "Grigyans", but in this case it is translated into Russian as again "Grigyan", that is, if not typically Armenian, then, in any case, definitely not a Latvian surname, but Latvianized.
At one time, the Ukrainian resource Phrase wrote in an article on Tymoshenko's ethnic roots: "As it turned out, Tymoshenko's father, whom she passes off as a Latvian, is called Vladimir Abramovich Grigyan. We are ready to bet on 5 kilos of fat that you can bypass the whole of Latvia (yes and in general the whole Baltic) and not to find a single Balt by the name of Abram Grigyan (the name of Timoshenko's grandfather) ... "Indeed, Latvian philologists who study surnames unanimously say that this form of the surname is not independent, but a derivative of the Armenian surname Grigyan. If the grandfather of the Ukrainian prime minister was called Abram, then in the approximate period of the life of Yulia Tymoshenko's grandfather, that is, in pre-war Latvia, there was a policy of total Latvianization of the population, when almost everyone was given Latvian names and surnames. Especially if these people were "indigenous Latvians in the tenth generation." Thus, Timoshenko's grandfather simply could not be called Abram: he either was not a Latvian, or is an invention in itself.
The search for the ethnic roots of the Ukrainian prime minister in Armenia also did not yield tangible results. As it turned out, today only one family with the surname Grigyan is registered in the capital of the republic, Yerevan. However, it is important that in this case we have an absolutely clear match with the maiden name of Yulia Vladimirovna appearing in official documents. Surprises await us in the process of finding out the origins of the Grigyan family in Nagorno-Karabakh. Local ethnographer Lev Azatyan says that the Grigyans are a well-known "gerdastan" (genus) in Karabakh, which is of aristocratic origin. "Representatives of the Grigyan family, mainly settled in the Askeran region, valiantly participated in the fight against the Ottomans, contributed to the defense of Karabakh in 1918-1921, took part in political resistance to the subordination of Karabakh to Azerbaijan in 1923 and were repressed for this during the period of Stalinism ", Azatyan said. To date, there are several dozen Grigyan families in Nagorno-Karabakh.
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At the same time, some sources in the scientific circles of Armenia claim that the surname Grigyan is often found among Bessarabian Jews or Gypsies, just like the surnames Kopelyan, Muntyan, Pomerlyan. So it is not ruled out here that the founders of the Grigyan family may be Bessarabian gypsies. In fairness, it is worth noting that in Moldova it was also not possible to find Timoshenko's contemporaries by the name of Grigyan.
The original version is put forward by the same Ukrainian resource Phrase. Developing the idea of the ethnic roots of Timoshenko's father, Vladimir Abramovich Grigyan, the publication writes: "This name is quite typical for Armenian Jews. Armenian Jews (like Georgian, like Mountain Jews) are very traditional people, and it is unlikely that he (Yulia Timoshenko's father) would have married Tymoshenko's mother if she had not been Jewish." Meanwhile, attempts to check the grandmother - that is, the mother of Tymoshenko's mother - were unsuccessful: "What is the real name of Maria Iosifovna - so, according to our (and not only our) information, the name of Timoshenko's grandmother, the technologist of the candy factory, is covered in the darkness of obscurity ... But, it seems, it was possible to establish the name of Maria Iosifovna by her husband. This surname sounds strange - Nelepova ... apparently, the maiden name of Maria Iosifovna sounded so, to put it mildly, strange that she still had to change it. "
