Notyag deputy of the legislature. "Vyacheslav Notyag puts an envelope with money in the inside pocket of his jacket." Who is Deputy Notyag

The Voin-V company declares that it could not stand it and gave a bribe to the deputy of the Legislative Assembly Notyag for calmness. The FSB detained the parliamentarian. This compromises both the city defenders and the former Yabloko Reznik.

Six months before the election, Vyacheslav Notyag, a deputy of the St. Petersburg Legislative Assembly, became a defendant in a criminal case on receiving a particularly large bribe. The former Yabloko is suspected of blackmailing the Voin-V construction company for a year and a half. The Investigative Committee intends to arrest the parliamentarian.

Unlucky day of Deputy Notyaga

In the morning, April 21, deputy of the Legislative Assembly Vyacheslav Notyag participated in a round table in the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg of a group of independent deputies headed by State Duma deputy Oksana Dmitrieva. The meeting was attended by the Chairman of the Industry Committee Maxim Meiksin, machine builders, electronic engineers, rectors. The discussion, according to the participants of the meeting, was constructive. As interlocutors in the Legislative Assembly tell Fontanka, after the end of the round table, deputy Notyag stayed at the Mariinsky Palace for some time, then left at about 2:30 pm. According to the assistants to the parliamentarian - on the air of the Baltika radio station, by 16 o'clock. However, the listeners of Baltika did not hear the parliamentarian's voice.

But by 3 p.m. Notyag was seen at the Zvezda club, located at 27 Leni Golikov Street. By the way, the Fatherland Foundation works in the same building. On the territory of this municipality, the Voin-V company is building one of its houses.

According to the website of the Investigative Committee, Notyag's meeting at Zvezda was interrupted by operatives. At the moment when the parliamentarian received another bribe in the amount of 600 thousand rubles from the general director of the construction company. After that, he was detained by the FSB of St. Petersburg.

By 4 p.m., Notyag was already waiting for a call to the investigator in the Investigative Committee on the Moika, and they continued next to him.

Of course, for the activists who are defending the Alexandrino park from the development of Voin-V, the detention of Notyag came as a big surprise. As Nikolai Lavrentyev, one of the leaders of the ERA group, told Fontanka, the people's choice helped them in the struggle more than once by sending deputy requests to supervisory authorities, as well as requesting the documents necessary for the courts with the company. On the other hand, Aleksandrino defender Nikita Sorokin told Fontanka that basically the entire document flow was carried out through deputy Boris Vishnevsky: “Notyag only fit in once when I was called to the police.”

Independent MP

Deputy Vyacheslav Notyag was initially elected to the Legislative Assembly from the Yabloko party in 2011. However, he was quickly expelled from it due to the conflict. It was assumed that ex-deputy of the Legislative Assembly Mikhail Amosov and speaker of the Leningrad City Council Alexander Belyaev would go to parliament. However, in the end, Notyag, who at that time was the director of a private school, and his party ally, municipal Olga Galkina, ended up in the Legislative Assembly. Within a few days, their percentages suddenly rose. The strangeness of the situation was emphasized by the fact that Notyag worked at a school where Yabloko leader Maxim Reznik taught history, and Galkina headed Reznik's campaign headquarters. After the conflict, Notyaga and his associates were expelled from Yabloko, then the group began to be called independent deputies of the Legislative Assembly.

Notyag infrequently shone with bills and speeches, was infrequently mentioned in the media. According to the latest declaration, in 2015 Notyag earned about 2 million rubles. His family owns a residential building in Strelna with an area of ​​374 sq. m. From it to the notorious restaurant "Star" on Leni Golikov - no more than 15 minutes by car. Notyaga has two of them - DaewooNexia and Lexus 570, on which he arrived on April 21 for a meeting with Glushchenko. The parliamentarian's wife received an income of 205 thousand rubles, that is, apparently, she is completely dependent on her husband.

“It is strange that a deputy who could not repay a debt of 15 thousand rubles in a month is suspected of such bribes,” his colleagues reacted after reading the news.

The leadership of the Legislative Assembly told Fontanka that the speaker Vyacheslav Makarov is not yet ready to comment on the situation.

It should be noted that in political circles, after the news of Fontanka about the detention of the deputy, the version is being actively discussed that what happened is the answer of the city authorities to the speaker of the Legislative Assembly for the dismissal of the head of the State Electoral Commission, Alexei Puchnin.

Ksenia Klochkova, Tatyana Vostroilova, Alexander Ermakov, Andrey Zakharov, Evgeny Vyshenkov, Fontanka.ru

21.01.2018
Vyacheslav Notyag, 57, a former deputy of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg, was sentenced to three years in a strict regime for a bribe of 1.2 million rubles. In addition, he will have to pay a million fine and refrain from claims to public office for three years.

Earlier, the representative of the prosecution asked to give Notyaga 8 years in prison in a strict regime colony, as well as to sentence him to a fine of 60 million rubles and a four-year ban on holding public office.

Even before the verdict was announced, the defendant became unwell, and he was taken away by an ambulance.

At the time of detention on April 21, 2016, Vyacheslav Onufrievich Notyag was an acting deputy of the St. Petersburg Legislative Assembly, deputy chairman of the commission on education, science and culture, a member of the budget and finance committee and the control group of the Legislative Assembly.

A native of the city of Gus-Khrustalny, Vladimir Region. As a graduate of a music school, he played the guitar and sang in a provincial VIA. After moving to Leningrad, he graduated from the conducting and choral faculty of the Higher Trade Union School of Culture and worked as the head of the Palace of Culture. In 1987, he created the "Prazdnik" cooperative, which organized all kinds of banquets. In the nineties, he graduated from the Faculty of Management and Marketing at High Point Private Methodist University (North Carolina, USA), after which he created and headed one of the first private schools in St. children aged 3 to 16. For his work he received the Big Golden Crown Award in London.

At the same time, Notyaga was drawn into politics: he became the founder of the Social Democratic Youth Union of St. Petersburg and the interregional public organization for the social protection of the population "People's Solidarity", joined the Yabloko party and entered its regional leadership. On December 4, 2011, he was elected to the Legislative Assembly. He took an active part in the "Apple" inner-party struggle, lost and moved from the "Yabloko" to the "Civic Platform" party of Mikhail Prokhorov. He worked closely with politician Oksana Dmitrieva (Rozenberg), following her last year he joined Boris Titov's Growth Party.

Notyag has repeatedly demonstrated his dislike for the Russian Orthodox Church, and there were rumors about his close relationship with the Scientology sect.

This, however, was not the end of the rumors. Evil tongues hinted at his curious addictions in the intimate sphere, they were named among the prominent St. Petersburg gay lobbyists. Tellingly, Notyag voted in 2013 to lift the ban on propaganda of homosexuality among minors.

But the employees of the FSB of Russia in St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region did not take Notyag for some spicy tricks, but caught him on banal bribery (with a socio-political bias). It follows from the materials of the case that "a fighter for the preservation of the historical appearance of St. Petersburg" extorted money from the developer, blackmailing him with protests from city defenders.

Notyaga was detained in the Zvezda retro restaurant/club on Lenya Golikov Street while receiving money from Oleg Glushchenko, general director of the Voin-V construction company. According to investigators, the deputy demanded that the developer give him a certain amount on a quarterly basis, promising not to interfere with renovation in the Ulyanka quarter.

The Main Investigative Committee of the ICR for St. Petersburg opened a criminal case against Notyag on the grounds of a crime under Part 6 of Art. 290 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (receiving a bribe on an especially large scale).

On April 23, 2016, at a meeting of the Kirovsky District Court on the choice of a measure of restraint for him, the well-known liberal deputy Maxim Reznik submitted a petition in which 6 parliamentarians asked not to arrest Notyag. The document was signed by deputies of the Legislative Assembly from the so-called Dmitrieva-Reznik group (Reznik himself, Olga Galkina, Vladislav Bakulin, Sergey Trokhmanenko, ex-communist Irina Komolova), as well as Marina Shishkina, a member of the Just Russia faction.

In the summer of 2016, two videos appeared on the Web that were filmed (one of them in the office of the people's representative, the other in the Zvezda club, where the parliamentarian was caught red-handed) on a hidden camera in April 2016. Notyag tells in detail how much he needs to give to his paw, talks about the upcoming elections, using profanity. “I am concerned about the following: now I am giving this money away and what do I get in return?” the businessman asks the deputy. "You must have peace of mind, work and work," he replies.

Confidence was growing, soon a colleague of Notyag in the deputy corps and the Party of Growth, the aforementioned Reznik, would be brought to criminal responsibility. After all, the general director of the Voin-V company, Glushchenko, said that Notyag transferred part of the money to Reznik, that is, they actually acted in tandem. But the latter is still at large.

Reznik accused the security forces of "holding" Notyag "as a hostage for political reasons." What looks funny against the background of the investigation data and published videos.

Notyag (right) and Reznik

Press conference of the "Dmitrieva team" 03/31/2016: Notyag, Galkina, Trokhmanenko, Reznik, Dmitrieva (Rozenberg)

Member of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg formally from the Yabloko faction. Expelled from the faction, represents the Civic Platform party

After graduating from a music school, he worked as a mechanic at a factory. In his free time, he taught at a music school, played the guitar and sang in a vocal and instrumental ensemble.

In 1981 he came to Leningrad and entered the conducting and choral faculty of the Higher Trade Union School of Culture, which he successfully graduated in 1985. He worked as the head of the Palace of Culture.

In 1987, he organized the "Prazdnik" cooperative, which specialized in organizing and holding celebrations.

In 1995 he graduated from the Faculty of Management and Marketing of the University of North Carolina (USA) High Point.

In 1998, he organized and headed one of the first private secondary schools in St. Petersburg - the NOU "Kindergarten-school "Holiday". The institution has a cultural orientation and conducts educational and educational work with children from three years old until they receive a certificate of secondary education.

In 2008 he was awarded the international award "Big Golden Crown" (London) in the field of quality and safety in education.

In 2000, he created and headed the interregional public organization for the social protection of the population "People's Solidarity".

He took an active part in the creation of the Russian Social Democratic Party. Created the "Social-Democratic Union of Youth of St. Petersburg".

On December 4, 2011, he was elected to the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg. Deputy Chairman of the Permanent Commission on Education, Culture and Science. Member of the Budget and Finance Committee.

Soon after the elections, a scandal erupted around Vyacheslav Notyag and his faction colleague Olga Galkina. As part of the intra-party struggle, they were accused of becoming deputies as a result of electoral fraud. They later left the party, declaring that they would continue to work for the good of the party. Both deputies vote according to the decisions of the faction.

It is believed that the conflict around Notyag and Galkina could have arisen because of the desire of opponents within the party to remove the deputy of the Legislative Assembly from the Yabloko faction and, at that time, the head of the regional branch of the party, Maxim Reznik, from his post as head of the branch. Reznik was accused of not forcing Galkina and Notyag to give up their mandates, which would have allowed those candidates who were shortchanged by the election commission during the counting and recounting of ballots to become deputies. For the places of Notyag and Galkina, ex-deputy and ex-head of the regional branch of the party Mikhail Amosov and Alexander Belyaev, who later headed the St. Petersburg OFAS, were expected.

25/04/2016

The detention on Thursday evening of opposition deputy Vyacheslav Notyag, who is suspected of taking a bribe, effectively added to the resignation of the head of the Gorizborkma that happened the day before. And everyone started talking about the fact that Smolny "sent a reply." The version of the “answer” is beautiful, but has a flaw: after all, Puchnin’s resignation occurred with the blessing of Smolny.


56 Vyacheslav Notyag, aged 18, was detained at the Zvezda club in the Kirovsky district, where he allegedly received a bribe of 600,000 rubles from Oleg Glushchenko, general director of the construction company Voin-V. The next day, the Investigative Committee distributed a bunch of videos, of which the moment of Notyag's detention by the FSB is the most uninteresting. Then there was a video of money being taken out of the pocket of a deputy's jacket in the investigator's office, and most importantly, a recording of negotiations made from a camera hidden in Glushchenko's pocket.

According to investigators, Notyag extorted from Glushchenko a bribe in the amount of 300 thousand rubles with a strange frequency - once a quarter - for not interfering with the scandalous construction site that Voin-V is conducting in Ulyanka, next to Alexandrino Park. In particular, he will not write deputy requests. The company allegedly paid money to the deputy since 2014, but then his colleague and senior comrade in the independent deputy group Maxim Reznik began to send requests on his own behalf. Further, it is not clear: either they decided to give bribes to him too (therefore, the amount was not 300 thousand, but 600), or they were offended and reported to the investigative committee. Oleg Glushchenko himself told Fontanka that he spoke with Notyag in the presence of Reznik and he was aware. But Reznik does not seem to appear in the case file.

The hidden recording shows the following: deputy Notyag reminds the person sitting in front of him (apparently, Oleg Glushchenko) that he owes him money - for the last quarter, this one, and it would be nice to pay for the next one. Total 900 thousand. “We agreed that you would not participate in rallies and would not write requests,” the source said. The deputy confirms that he did not write requests and did not participate in the rallies. In addition, the deputy, as it turns out, promised to inform if they would turn to him for any requests. But they did not contact him. Actually, this is where the content ends.

The video gives a slightly strange impression: Vyacheslav Notyag, a rather inconspicuous deputy in life, behaves sternly and “pokes”, while his interlocutor, the general director of a large construction company, communicates with him like a schoolboy with a teacher. However, there is no reason to believe that the video is fake.

However, for all that, the story of the bribe looks very strange. There was no point in paying money to Notyag, since the main fighter against this construction site in Ulyanka is Boris Vishnevsky, who regularly bombards Smolny and other authorities with deputy requests, helps protesting citizens, etc. Boris Vishnevsky himself confirmed to City 812 that he has been actively fighting construction in Ulyanka for 4 years. At the same time, he added, Notyag used to fight too, but then he reduced his activity.

From the ethical point of view, the situation, of course, does not look very nice, to put it mildly. But it is impossible to say unequivocally that we are talking about a bribe. Before us may be, for example, the transfer of money by the sponsor to the party fund at the same time as discussing the conditions under which the party is financed. And then such a conversation will be the most common thing for any party and any deputy cabinet. Well, let not anyone (so as not to offend those who consider themselves almost saints), but almost anyone.

Why would a company pay one deputy when the threat to it comes from another? It can be either stupidity or treason. In a sense - a setup.

Why did all this happen right now? Obviously, a version arises that a blow to Notyag is a blow to Reznik, and a blow to Reznik is a blow to speaker Vyacheslav Makarov. And all this together is Smolny's revenge for Puchnin. But, firstly, Georgy Poltavchenko, according to Gorod 812, himself agreed on the resignation of the head of the City Electoral Committee (see page ??). Secondly, for almost 5 years of his reign, he never once demonstrated an inclination to such (as well as to any other) methods of political struggle.

Some believe that this could have been a personal initiative of the vice-governor Alexander Govorunov, who was called the main ill-wisher of Vyacheslav Makarov in Smolny. This is supported by the fact that initially Vyacheslav Notyaga was detained by the FSB, namely, Alexander Govorunov was listed in this department. Secondly, Reznik's deputy requests, inspired by Makarov, were directed personally against Govorunov. That is, he has personal motives.

The fact that Vyacheslav Makarov took this story as a serious threat is evidenced by the fact that on Thursday evening he went to talk to the head of the St. Petersburg Investigative Committee, Alexander Klaus. As a result, the speaker's press service distributed a meaningless, but valuable fact of its existence, commentary.

According to another version, the initiator of this whole story is the "Warrior-V". Now the company is constantly attacked by city defenders and suffers losses: the territory planning project for this quarter was canceled by the court, and KGIOP, which allowed construction equipment to drive through Alexandrino Park, received a scolding from the Ministry of Culture for this. Now a shadow has been cast on the city defenders, and the company itself has turned from an aggressor into a victim.

Perhaps there is a phenomenon under the fashionable word "synergy": the interests of the builders, the FSB and the vice-governor converged and strengthened each other. Some believe that all this is an attempt to remove Notyag from the elections. But his chances of winning are not so great as to resort to such radical methods to prevent it.

The failed landing of United Russia deputy Svetlana Nesterova comes to mind: last year a case was opened, several of her assistants were arrested, and she herself was urgently admitted to the hospital. Then everyone said that this was the beginning of the war between Smolny and Zaks. But the war never started, Nesterova recovered, and her assistants were released. True, at that time no direct accusations were made against the deputy.

Perhaps, some believe, now it has finally come to the point of war. But the situation was best described by one of the people close to Alexei Puchnin: “When you destroy stability, be prepared for the most unexpected things to happen.” .

Born March 12, 1960 in the city of Gus-Khrustalny, Vladimir Region, in a family of workers. After graduating from a music school, he worked at a factory as a mechanic. In his free time, he taught at a music school, played the guitar and sang in a vocal and instrumental ensemble.
In 1981 he entered the conducting and choral faculty of the Higher Trade Union School of Culture in Leningrad. Upon graduation in 1985, he worked as the head of the VV Vorovsky Palace of Culture.
In 1987, he organized the company "Prazdnik", specializing in organizing and holding celebrations.
In 1995 he graduated from the Faculty of Management and Marketing of the University of North Carolina (USA) High Point.
In 1998, he created one of the first private secondary schools in St. Petersburg - the NOU "Kindergarten-School" Holiday + ". The institution has a cultural orientation and conducts educational and educational work with children from three years old until they receive a certificate of secondary education.
In 2008, the NOU "Kindergarten-school "Prazdnik +" was awarded the international award "Big Golden Crown" (London) in the field of quality and safety in education.
Since 2000, the interregional public organization of social protection of the population "People's Solidarity" has been established and has been operating, providing the necessary assistance to the population of the city and the Leningrad region.
In 2000, a network of social pharmacies "People's Solidarity" was created, where members of the organization and pensioners had discounts on the purchase of medicines.
LLC "Vlona", founded in 1991, where people with disabilities are engaged in the production of wicker furniture, in 2002 received a gold quality mark "Made in St. Petersburg".
In 2000, he took part in the creation of the "Social Democratic Youth Union of St. Petersburg", whose work he supports to this day.
In 2005-2010, within the framework of a public-private partnership, by order of the Government of St. Petersburg, he repaired dilapidated and dilapidated housing in the city.
He took an active part in the creation and work of the Russian Social Democratic Party.
Married. Raises 4 children.
Provides assistance and takes an active part in the work of public organizations: "SPB SVET" of the All-Russian Society of the Blind, Moscow MO SPB GO LLC "All-Russian Society of the Disabled", ANO "Center for Cultural Programs", Creative Association "Triumph", regional public organization "Free Culture" Art Center "Pushkinskaya -10", regional public organization "St. Petersburg House of National Cultures", etc.
He directly takes an active part in the activities of the St. Petersburg Association of Non-Governmental and Educational Institutions, as well as various preschool institutions and institutions of additional professional education. Provides assistance to the St. Petersburg Aviation Technical School.
Conducts joint work with the St. Petersburg city branch of the All-Russian Society for the Protection of Historical and Cultural Monuments.
On December 4, 2011, he was elected to the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg. Deputy Chairman of the Permanent Member Member .
Member