Twentieth Congress of the CPSU, took place in Moscow on February 14-25, 1956. He is best known for condemning the cult of personality and, indirectly, the ideological legacy of Stalin.
The main events that made the congress famous took place on the last day of work, February 25, at a closed morning meeting. On this day, N. S. Khrushchev made a closed report “On the cult of personality and its consequences,” which was dedicated to the condemnation of the cult of personality of I. V. Stalin.
It voiced a new point of view on the recent past of the country, listing numerous facts of crimes in the second half of the 1930s and early 1950s, the blame for which was placed on Stalin. The report also raised the problem of the rehabilitation of party and military leaders repressed under Stalin.
According to the journalist American newspapers The Washington Post , Ann Appelbaum :
The purpose of Khrushchev's report was not only the liberation of his compatriots, but also the consolidation of personal power and intimidation of party opponents, who all also took part [in the repressions] with great enthusiasm.
The congress resolution states that in international development radical changes took place towards strengthening the position of socialism. The main feature of the era is the expansion of socialism beyond the boundaries of one country and its transformation into a world system. Under the pressure of the national liberation struggle of peoples, the process of disintegration of the colonial system of imperialism was underway. The congress noted that the situation in the capitalist world, the zone of which has significantly narrowed, is characterized by a further increase in deep social contradictions. The general crisis of the capitalist system continues to deepen.
It was stated that two opposite directions have emerged in the development of international events. The imperialist powers, led by reactionary American circles, are trying to suppress the workers', democratic and national liberation movements, undermine the camp of socialism and establish their world domination. On the other hand, forces advocating lasting peace and security of nations are growing on the world stage. “The decisive importance in this,” stated in the resolution of the congress, “is the steady strengthening of the international camp of socialism, which has an ever-increasing influence on the course of world events” (XX Congress of the CPSU. Verbatim report, vol. 2, 1956, p. 411). The most active and consistent fighters against the military threat are the communist parties. It is necessary to strengthen fraternal relations with all socialist countries in every possible way on the basis of the Leninist principles of equal rights of peoples and proletarian internationalism. The Congress obliged the Central Committee of the CPSU to continue to unswervingly fight for the cause of peace and security of peoples, to vigilantly monitor the machinations of the enemies of the world, to take the necessary measures to strengthen the defensive power of the Soviet state and ensure the security of the USSR.
Transformation of totalitarian regimes
The main actors of external transformational influence are the media, certain state institutions and individual politicians of Western countries, as well as, undoubtedly, the corresponding intelligence structures
Let us name the main factors of transformation of the imposed totalitarian regimes in Eastern Europe:
The death of Stalin, which aroused a tendency towards cautious de-Stalinization.
Conviction of N.S. Khrushchev at the 20th Congress of the CPSU of Stalin’s repressions and Stalin’s “cult of personality,” which, in particular, led to increased control over the security agencies by official state and party authorities.
The crisis of the social model of socialism in the countries of Eastern Europe: the collapse of the illusion of the imminent arrival of communism, the increased desire to acquire material wealth, the awareness of the undemocratic nature of society and one’s own lack of rights.
The cessation of terror after the 20th Congress of the CPSU gave rise to mass social movements in Eastern Europe directed against totalitarian institutions.
After the onset of the “thaw” of the late 1950s, the ideas of the so-called “third way” - “neither capitalism nor socialism” began to emerge in various forms and function in the public consciousness of Eastern European countries.
However, most of these factors, as is obvious, are associated not so much with internal, but with external factors in the development of these societies.
A month later, the new party leader of Moscow spoke at the party congress. The XXVII Congress of the CPSU opened on February 25, 1986. They were waiting for the Congress, they were waiting for Gorbachev’s programs. The report delivered by the Secretary General generally met these expectations. It opened with an unusual recognition for such documents of problems and shortcomings in the activities of the party: “For a number of years, and not only due to objective factors, but also due, first of all, to a subjective nature, the practical actions of party and state bodies lagged behind the requirements of the time, life itself. Problems in the country's development grew faster than they were solved. Inertia, rigidity of forms and methods of management, a decrease in dynamism in work, an increase in bureaucracy - all this caused considerable damage to the business. Stagnation began to appear in the life of society. The situation required changes, but in the central authorities, and also in the localities, a peculiar psychology began to take over: how to improve things without changing anything. But this does not happen, comrades... We cannot shy away from solving pressing problems. Such a position costs the country, state, and party too much. And let’s say it loudly!”2.
The text of the report was not without internal contradictions and at times created the impression of a “patchwork quilt” in which old, traditional assessments were combined with attempts to comprehend the world in a new way.
In the field of domestic policy, the country's development strategy was associated with the acceleration of socio-economic development. The policy of alliance with the press proclaimed by Gorbachev became new. “The fundamental issue for us,” he said at the congress, “is the question of expanding glasnost... Without glasnost there is and cannot be democracy, the political creativity of the masses, their participation in governance... Sometimes, when it comes to glasnost, we have to hear calls to speak more carefully about our shortcomings and omissions, about the difficulties that are inevitable in any living work. There can only be one answer here, Lenin’s: communists always and under all circumstances need the truth... Therefore, we need to make glasnost a trouble-free system.”3
On the agenda for discussing the report of the Secretary General is the speech of B.N. Yeltsin was listed third, after the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR V.I. Vorotnikov and the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine V.V. Shcherbitsky. An indicator of the high status of the first secretary of the capital city committee - he came immediately after the representatives of the two largest union republics.
Yeltsin’s speech was remembered by many. He asked questions that arose before every person who thought about the situation in the country: 1
Grishin V.V. From Khrushchev to Gorbachev. Political portraits of five secretaries general and A.N. Kosygina. Memoirs. M., 1996. P. 299. 2
Materials of the XXVII Congress of the CPSU. M., 1986. P. 4.
Right there. P. 60.
“Why do we raise a number of the same problems from congress to congress? Why did the obviously alien word “stagnation” appear in our party lexicon? Why, after so many years, have we not been able to tear out the roots of bureaucracy, social injustice, and abuse from our lives? Why, even now, does the demand for radical change get bogged down by an inert layer of opportunists with a party card?”
Yeltsin saw the reason in the personnel: “...a number of party leaders do not have the courage to timely and objectively assess the situation, their personal role, to tell the bitter but true truth, to evaluate every issue or action - both their own, those of their fellow workers, and senior leaders - not opportunistically, but politically.”
Criticism of the Central Committee was boldly voiced: “the structure of the departments of the Central Committee has become almost a copy of the ministries.
Many in the departments have simply forgotten what true party work is. There is a complete duplication of the State Planning Committee and the Council of Ministers. We are drowning in approvals that last for years on simple issues... the department of organizational and party work is clearly overloaded. He does everything he can - wagons, feed, and fuel. Everything is important, of course. And yet the most important thing is the personnel. And it was precisely this work that was missed. (Applause.) The party cadres in the department did not know well. There was little control over their work. Many were unable to make a fundamental assessment in time. Otherwise, how can we explain the failures that have occurred in a number of party organizations in regions, territories and republics of the country? Did no one in the CPSU Central Committee see what was going on in Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and a number of regions and cities where, frankly speaking, there was a degeneration of personnel? (Applause.)"1.
Yeltsin directly stated the mistakes of the country's leadership: “... this begs the question: what are the reasons, who is to blame? And who, if not us, are the members of the Central Committee of the Party? Apparently, at times we simply lose our party vigilance. ...The indisputability of authorities, the infallibility of a leader, “double standards” in today’s conditions are intolerable and unacceptable”2. Specific proposals were also made: to develop in the Central Committee a system of periodic reporting of all leaders and at all levels, including reports of the secretaries of the CPSU Central Committee at the Politburo or plenums of the Central Committee of the Party, and also to cancel the “benefits of leaders at all levels” where they are “not justified”3. The last clause essentially negated the idea of limiting the privileges of the nomenklatura. After all, what is justified and what is not is determined by the leadership itself. But even in this form, Yeltsin’s words, spoken from the congress rostrum, sounded quite revolutionary.
Immediately after the congress, the composition of the Politburo was updated: B.N. became candidates for membership of the Politburo. Yeltsin, Secretary of the Leningrad Regional Party Committee Yu.F. Solovyov and the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Belarus N.N. Slyunkov. 1
XXVII Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union February 25 - March 6, 1986 Verbatim report vol. 1 M., 1986 P. 142
XXVII Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union February 25 - March 6, 1986 Verbatim report vol. 1 M., 1986 P. 143.
XXVII Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union February 25 - March 6, 1986 Verbatim report vol. 1 M., 1986 P. 144.
A.P. were elected secretaries of the CPSU Central Committee. Biryukova, who worked for many years in the leadership of Soviet trade unions, A.F. Dobrynin, long-term USSR Ambassador to Washington, V.A. Medvedev, who was also appointed head of the Central Committee department for relations with communist and workers' parties of socialist countries, G.P. Razumovsky, who retained the post of head of the department of organizational and party work. A.N. Yakovlev became secretary of the CPSU Central Committee on ideological issues.
In March 1986, at a meeting of the Politburo, a new distribution of responsibilities in the top party leadership was fixed. Gorbachev subordinated to himself the issues of organizing the work of the Politburo, the main issues of domestic and foreign policy, personnel placement, general economic issues, defense and state security, foreign trade, as well as a number of departments of the Central Committee: organizational-party, general, economic, administrative bodies, international, department for relations with the communist parties of socialist countries, for work with foreign personnel, business management. Gorbachev went much further than Andropov - he reserved only the organization of the work of the Politburo, the main issues of foreign and domestic policy, defense and foreign trade, entrusting many issues to his second secretary Chernenko.
Ligachev, the second secretary, unlike Chernenko, got less: organizing the work of the secretariat of the CPSU Central Committee, ideological work, issues of science and culture, management of the agro-industrial complex. He was supposed to exercise control over the departments of propaganda, science and educational institutions, culture, and agriculture. A tough and proud man, accustomed to command, he found himself in an ambiguous position: two secretaries of the Central Committee, Zimyanin and Yakovlev, were simultaneously engaged in ideology, and the latter was part of Gorbachev’s inner circle, and Ligachev’s opinion was not important to him. The same thing happened with the sphere of science and culture, previously headed by Medvedev, also a man from Gorbachev’s inner circle. And the sphere of agro-industrial production actually belonged to the former many-year occupations of the Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee for Agriculture. Such a distribution of responsibilities meant only one thing: Gorbachev did not want to have a strong second secretary and potential rival around him.
By decision of the Politburo, the development of mechanical engineering, the defense and chemical industries, and construction were assigned to Zaikov; heavy industry, energy, transport and communications - for Dolgikh; light industry and trade belong to Biryukova. Dobrynin led the work of the international department of the Central Committee; Zamyanin was responsible for issues of science, education and health; Medvedev - for connections with socialist countries; Secretary of the Central Committee Nikonov - for agriculture; Razumovsky - for work with party cadres; Yakovlev - for ideological work in the party, foreign policy propaganda, development of culture and art1. In the distribution of responsibilities, attention is drawn to the obvious duplication of functions. This is not a mistake, but rather a principle of Gorbachev’s personnel policy, preferring 1
who began to create competing structures in management. This principle itself presupposed the presence of a strong leader at the head of the entire management vertical.
Then, at this Politburo meeting, Gorbachev raised two other important issues. Firstly, he defended the right to the existence of a non-state sector of the economy: “We still have a fear of individual labor activity, fears about personal farming,” Gorbachev said. - We will not undermine the collective farms with this! You see, socialism will be under threat!.. It is necessary to include non-standard approaches. Somewhere a private trader will break through. So what? What, we no longer have anything left of Lenin’s wisdom to cope with this?”
The second consideration that greatly worried Gorbachev was the forced recognition of the distribution of responsibility between the center and the regions. “Everyone in the field may have a headache. And so that they don’t blame everything on the Soviet government. And so that it doesn’t turn out that Moscow is to blame if there is nothing in the stores of such and such a city...”1.
annotation
About the seventh day of the congress. Issue No. 8.
Temporary Description
The presidium and delegates of the congress in the hall of the Kremlin Palace of Congresses. Eighth day of the congress. Delegates discuss the report of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR N.I. Ryzhkov “On the main directions of economic and social development of the USSR for 1986-1990 and for the period until 2000” (synchronously). President of the USSR Academy of Sciences G.I. Marchuk, Chairman of the US Communist Party G. Hall, Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Uruguay R. Arismendi answer questions from journalists during a press conference. Foreign guests visit the Moscow Ordzhonikidze Machine Tool Plant, the Mikromashina plant, and the All-Union Art Exhibition “We are Building Communism.”
Part (film) No. 1
Flags of the USSR and union republics - Wed, Poland.
Gorky Street and other central streets and squares of Moscow, decorated with banners in honor of the XXVII Congress of the CPSU - Wed, Poland.
Marx Avenue, Poland at the Bolshoi Theater building - cf.
Spasskaya Tower of the Kremlin, Red Square - Wed, departure.
Portrait of V.I. Lenin on the building of the Historical Museum - Wed, impact.
Says member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CRSU G.A. Aliev.
Speakers: First Secretary of the Kokchetav Regional Committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan Sagdiev, General Secretary of the Communist Party of Great Britain G. McLennan (synchronously in English), Director of the Novolipetsk Metallurgical Plant named after Andropov Frantsenyuk (synchronously), First Secretary of the Irkutsk Regional Committee of the CPSU Sitnikov (synchronously).
A cameraman films in the press center of the congress - Wed, Poland.
Academician G.I. speaks at the press conference. Marchuk, First Secretary of the Communist Party of Uruguay R. Arismendi, General Secretary of the Communist Party of the USA Gus Hall.
Part (film) No. 2
Journalists of different nationalities in the press center: typing, talking on the phone - Wed, cr., Poland.
General Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Russian Socialist Labor Party J. Kadar, at the head of the delegation, visits the Moscow Ordzhonikidze Machine Tool Plant: walks through the workshop, greets the worker, photographers take pictures - commonly., Wed, Poland.
Control panel - kr.
The machine is working with cooling - kr., Poland.
Meeting of Hungarian guests with workers in the hall - Wed, total., Poland.
A delegation of the Communist Party of Vietnam, led by CPV Secretary Hoan Thun, visits the Moscow Mikromashina plant: enters the director’s office, walks through the assembly workshop - various.
Women at work - Wed, Poland.
A member of the delegation hands flowers to a worker - cf.
The delegation of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, headed by the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Czechoslovakia G. Gusak, visits the All-Union art exhibition “We are building communism” in the Central Exhibition Hall: enters, examines the exhibits, listens to the explanations of the guide - commonly., Wed.
Portrait of V.I. Lenin and other paintings at the exhibition - kr.
Congress delegates in an art workshop, the artist paints a portrait of a delegate - commonly.
Delegates of the XXVII Congress of the CPSU on the sidelines - Wed, Poland.
Lumberjack from the Tyumen region Popov, doctor from Minsk Litvinovich, People's Artist of the USSR H. Krum, chairman of the collective farm from the Kirov region A. Chervyakov give an interview (synchronously).
A. Chervyakov and the chairman of a collective farm from the Vladimir region V. Makarov are talking.
Delegate L.N. speaks at the congress. Zaikov and others.
USSR USSR
4993 delegates
XXVII Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union- the first congress after the deaths of L. I. Brezhnev, Yu. V. Andropov and K. U. Chernenko (the General Secretary of the Party Central Committee was already M. S. Gorbachev) and the penultimate one in the history of the CPSU. Held in Moscow at the Kremlin Palace of Congresses from February 25 to March 6, 1986. 5 thousand delegates were elected to the congress; by the time of the opening, 4993 delegates were present in the hall.
Daily routine
- Report of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the tasks of the party.
- About the new edition of the CPSU Program.
- On changes to the CPSU Charter.
- Report of the Central Audit Commission of the CPSU
- On the main directions of economic and social development of the USSR for 1986-1990 and for the future until 2000
- Elections of the central bodies of the party.
On the first three issues of the order of the day, the Political Report of the CPSU Central Committee to the XXVII Party Congress was heard, which was delivered by the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee M. S. Gorbachev.
On the fourth issue, the Chairman of the Central Audit Commission of the CPSU G. F. Sizov made a report.
On the fifth issue of the order of the day, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR N. I. Ryzhkov made a report.
Governing bodies of the congress
The Congress elected a Presidium of 136 people, a Secretariat of 49 people, an Editorial Commission of 30 people and a Credentials Committee of 51 people.
At the congress, the years of Brezhnev's leadership were called a “period of stagnation.”
The future first President of Russia, and at that time the first secretary of the Moscow City Party Committee, Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin, first attracted the attention of the general public precisely thanks to his rather bold speech at the 27th Congress of the CPSU.
In particular, Yeltsin openly opposed the interference of party bodies in economic issues, called for accountability of top leaders, their responsibility for their actions, and also touched upon, albeit in a cautious manner, the topic of privileges of the nomenklatura.
“They (party bodies) have already become so deeply involved in economic affairs that they sometimes began to lose their position as bodies of political leadership. It is no coincidence that the structure of the departments of the Central Committee gradually became almost a copy of the ministries. Many in the departments have simply forgotten what true party work is. There is a complete duplication of the State Planning Committee and the Council of Ministers. We are drowning in approvals that last for years on simple issues. […] Apparently, in the new conditions, there has become a need to change the structure of the apparatus of the Central Committee of the Party as a whole.
[…]The Central Committee of the CPSU must finally develop a system of periodic reporting of all leaders and at all levels. I believe that this should also apply to the reports of the secretaries of the CPSU Central Committee at the Politburo or plenums of the Central Committee of the party.
[…] Surely the delegates had to deal with issues of social justice in their work collectives. They are always discussed sharply, as they affect a wide range of a person’s most vital interests. You feel uncomfortable listening to indignation at any manifestations of injustice - today or already old. […] Therefore, my opinion is that where the benefits of managers at all levels are not justified, they should be abolished.”
It was also very unusual that Yeltsin, the only high-ranking figure in the “stagnation period,” spoke at the congress with self-criticism.
“The delegates may ask me: why didn’t you say this when speaking at the 26th Party Congress? Well. I can answer, and answer frankly: apparently, then there was not enough courage and political experience.”
At the congress, among the delegates there was only one person with pre-revolutionary party experience.
Congress decisions
Elected at the Congress
Central Committee of the CPSU: 307 members, 170 candidate members of the CPSU Central Committee Central Audit Commission: 83 membersThe Central Committee of the CPSU, formed by the XXVII Congress of the CPSU, elected the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee in the number of 19 people (12 members and 7 candidates).
- Members: G. A. Aliev, V. I. Vorotnikov, M. S. Gorbachev, A. A. Gromyko, L. N. Zaikov, D. A. Kunaev, E. K. Ligachev, N. I. Ryzhkov, M. S. Solomentsev, V. M. Chebrikov, E. A. Shevardnadze, V. V. Shcherbitsky
- Candidates: P. N. Demichev, V. I. Dolgikh, B. N. Yeltsin, N. N. Slyunkov, S. L. Sokolov, Yu. F. Solovyov, N. V. Talyzin
During 1987-1990 At the Plenums of the CPSU Central Committee, numerous personnel changes were made in the Politburo. As a result, by the time of the opening of the XXVIII Congress of the CPSU (July 1990), the composition of the Politburo looked as follows:
- Members: V. I. Vorotnikov, M. S. Gorbachev, V. A. Ivashko, L. N. Zaikov, E. K. Ligachev, N. I. Ryzhkov, V. A. Kryuchkov, Yu. D. Maslyukov, V. A. Medvedev, N. N. Slyunkov, E. A. Shevardnadze, A. N. Yakovlev.
- Candidates: A. P. Biryukova, A. V. Vlasov, A. I. Lukyanov, E. M. Primakov, B. K. Pugo, G. P. Razumovsky, D. T. Yazov.
Thus, the composition of Politburo members was renewed between congresses by exactly half, the composition of candidates for Politburo members was 100%.
The Secretariat of the CPSU Central Committee, formed after the XXVII Congress of the CPSU, included 11 people: M. S. Gorbachev (General Secretary), A. P. Biryukova, A. F. Dobrynin, V. I. Dolgikh, L. N. Zaikov, M. V. Zimyanin, E. K. Ligachev, V. A. Medvedev, V. P. Nikonov, G. P. Razumovsky, A. N. Yakovlev.
By the XXVIII Congress of the CPSU, the Secretariat included: M. S. Gorbachev (General Secretary), O. D. Baklanov, A. N. Girenko, L. N. Zaikov, E. K. Ligachev, Yu. A. Manaenkov, V. A. Medvedev, G. P. Razumovsky, N. N. Slyunkov, E. S. Stroev, G. I. Usmanov, I. T. Frolov, A. N. Yakovlev
Documents accepted
- Resolution on the Political Report of the Central Committee of the CPSU
- The main directions of economic and social development of the USSR for 1986-1990 and for the period until 2000
- CPSU Program (new edition)
- CPSU Charter
- Regulations on the Central Audit Commission of the CPSU
- Resolution on letters and appeals addressed to the XXVII Congress of the CPSU
Main outcome of the Congress
- The new edition of the CPSU Program was adopted
- The main directions of economic and social development of the USSR for 1986-1990 and for the period until 2000 were approved
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Notes
Links
- XXVII Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. February 25 - March 6, 1986. Verbatim report. Volume 1. - M.: Politizdat, 1986. - 655 p.
- XXVII Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. February 25 - March 6, 1986. Verbatim report. Volume 2. - M.: Politizdat, 1986. - 320 p.
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An excerpt characterizing the XXVII Congress of the CPSU
“Yes, yes, so, so...” said Pierre, bending forward with his whole body over Princess Marya and eagerly listening to her story. - Yes Yes; so has he calmed down? softened? He always sought one thing with all the strength of his soul; be quite good that he could not be afraid of death. The shortcomings that were in him - if there were any - did not come from him. So has he relented? - said Pierre. “What a blessing that he met you,” he said to Natasha, suddenly turning to her and looking at her with eyes full of tears.Natasha's face trembled. She frowned and lowered her eyes for a moment. She hesitated for a minute: to speak or not to speak?
“Yes, it was happiness,” she said in a quiet chesty voice, “for me it was probably happiness.” – She paused. “And he... he... he said that he wanted this, the minute I came to him...” Natasha’s voice broke off. She blushed, clasped her hands on her knees and suddenly, apparently making an effort on herself, raised her head and quickly began to say:
– We didn’t know anything when we drove from Moscow. I didn't dare ask about him. And suddenly Sonya told me that he was with us. I didn’t think anything, I couldn’t imagine what position he was in; I just needed to see him, to be with him,” she said, trembling and gasping for breath. And, not allowing herself to be interrupted, she told what she had never told anyone before: everything that she experienced in those three weeks of their journey and life in Yaroslavl.
Pierre listened to her with his mouth open and without taking his eyes off her, full of tears. Listening to her, he did not think about Prince Andrei, or about death, or about what she was telling. He listened to her and only pitied her for the suffering she was now experiencing as she spoke.
The princess, wincing with the desire to hold back tears, sat next to Natasha and listened for the first time to the story of these last days of love between her brother and Natasha.
This painful and joyful story was apparently necessary for Natasha.
She spoke, mixing the most insignificant details with the most intimate secrets, and it seemed that she could never finish. She repeated the same thing several times.
Behind the door, Desalles' voice was heard asking if Nikolushka could come in to say goodbye.
“Yes, that’s all, that’s all...” said Natasha. She quickly stood up just as Nikolushka was entering, and almost ran to the door, hit her head on the door covered with a curtain, and with a groan of either pain or sadness burst out of the room.
Pierre looked at the door through which she went out and did not understand why he was suddenly left alone in the whole world.
Princess Marya called him out of his absent-mindedness, drawing his attention to his nephew, who entered the room.
Nikolushka’s face, similar to his father, in the moment of spiritual softening in which Pierre was now, had such an effect on him that he, having kissed Nikolushka, hastily stood up and, taking out a handkerchief, went to the window. He wanted to say goodbye to Princess Marya, but she held him back.
– No, Natasha and I sometimes don’t sleep until three o’clock; please sit. I'll give you dinner. Go down; we'll be there now.
Before Pierre left, the princess said to him:
“This is the first time she spoke about him like that.”
Pierre was led into the large, illuminated dining room; a few minutes later steps were heard, and the princess and Natasha entered the room. Natasha was calm, although a stern, without a smile, expression was now again established on her face. Princess Marya, Natasha and Pierre equally experienced that feeling of awkwardness that usually follows the end of a serious and intimate conversation. It is impossible to continue the same conversation; It’s shameful to talk about trifles, but it’s unpleasant to remain silent, because you want to talk, but with this silence you seem to be pretending. They silently approached the table. The waiters pushed back and pulled up chairs. Pierre unfolded the cold napkin and, deciding to break the silence, looked at Natasha and Princess Marya. Both, obviously, at the same time decided to do the same: contentment with life and recognition that, in addition to grief, there are also joys, shone in their eyes.
- Do you drink vodka, Count? - said Princess Marya, and these words suddenly dispersed the shadows of the past.
“Tell me about yourself,” said Princess Marya. “They tell such incredible miracles about you.”
“Yes,” Pierre answered with his now familiar smile of gentle mockery. “They even tell me about such miracles as I have never seen in my dreams.” Marya Abramovna invited me to her place and kept telling me what had happened to me, or was about to happen. Stepan Stepanych also taught me how to tell things. In general, I noticed that it is very peaceful to be an interesting person (I am an interesting person now); they call me and they tell me.
Natasha smiled and wanted to say something.
“We were told,” Princess Marya interrupted her, “that you lost two million in Moscow.” Is this true?
“And I became three times richer,” said Pierre. Pierre, despite the fact that his wife’s debts and the need for buildings changed his affairs, continued to say that he had become three times richer.
“What I have undoubtedly won,” he said, “is freedom...” he began seriously; but decided against continuing, noticing that this was too selfish a subject of conversation.
-Are you building?
- Yes, Savelich orders.
– Tell me, did you not know about the death of the Countess when you stayed in Moscow? - said Princess Marya and immediately blushed, noticing that by making this question after his words that he was free, she ascribed to his words a meaning that they, perhaps, did not have.
“No,” answered Pierre, obviously not finding the interpretation that Princess Marya gave to his mention of her freedom awkward. “I learned this in Orel, and you can’t imagine how it struck me.” We were not exemplary spouses,” he said quickly, looking at Natasha and noticing in her face the curiosity about how he would respond to his wife. “But this death struck me terribly.” When two people quarrel, both are always to blame. And one’s own guilt suddenly becomes terribly heavy in front of a person who no longer exists. And then such death... without friends, without consolation. “I’m very, very sorry for her,” he finished and was pleased to notice the joyful approval on Natasha’s face.
“Yes, here you are again, a bachelor and a groom,” said Princess Marya.
Pierre suddenly blushed crimson and tried for a long time not to look at Natasha. When he decided to look at her, her face was cold, stern and even contemptuous, as it seemed to him.
– But did you really see and talk with Napoleon, as we were told? - said Princess Marya.
Pierre laughed.
- Never, never. It always seems to everyone that being a prisoner means being a guest of Napoleon. Not only have I not seen him, but I have also not heard of him. I was in much worse company.
Dinner ended, and Pierre, who at first refused to talk about his captivity, gradually became involved in this story.
- But is it true that you stayed to kill Napoleon? – Natasha asked him, smiling slightly. “I guessed it when we met you at the Sukharev Tower; remember?
Pierre admitted that this was the truth, and from this question, gradually guided by the questions of Princess Marya and especially Natasha, he became involved in a detailed story about his adventures.
At first he spoke with that mocking, meek look that he now had at people and especially at himself; but then, when he came to the story of the horrors and suffering that he had seen, he, without noticing it, became carried away and began to speak with the restrained excitement of a person experiencing strong impressions in his memory.
] Edited by Em. Yaroslavsky.
(Moscow: Party Publishing House (Partizdat), 1933. - Marx-Engels-Lenin Institute under the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (b). Protocols of congresses and conferences of the All-Union Communist Party (b). Workers of all countries, unite!)
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- CONTENT:
From the editor (3).
PROTOCOLS OF THE CONGRESS
From the editorial committee (5).
FIRST MEETING (evening of March 18) (7-34).
Lenin's opening of the congress - Lenin's speech (7-9); elections of the presidium (9-10); secretariat (10); Credentials Commission (YU); audit commission (10-11) and editorial commission (11); adoption of regulations (11); discussion of the order of the day of the congress (11-12); Kamenev's speech on the anniversary of the Paris Commune (12-13); greeting to the Red Army (13); Radek's greeting (13); election of honorary members of the presidium (14); discussion of the first item on the order of the day - report of the Central Committee - report of Lenin (14-28); debate on the report of the Central Committee - speeches by Alexandrov (28); Osinsky (29-31); Vareikis (31); Lomova (31-32); Krylova (32); discussion of the resolution on the Central Committee report (33-34); adoption of resolution (34); making a decision to organize three sections at the congress (34).
SECOND MEETING (morning of March 19) (35-76).
Lozovsky's welcoming speech on behalf of the Social Democratic Internationalists (35-36); discussion of the second item on the order of the day - the party program (36-76); Bukharin's report (36-49); Lenin's report (50-66); acceptance of the “Address” (67); debate on program reports (67-76); Podbelsky's speech (67-69); Lomova (69-70); Ryazanov (70-03); Krasikova (73-74); Krylenko (74-76).
MEETING THREE (evening of March 19) (77-118).
Albert's welcoming speech on behalf of the foreign delegates of the First Congress of the Comintern (77); continuation of debate on the program (77-118); Yurenev's speech (77-79); Pyatakov (79-83); Tomsky (83-86); Sunitsa (86-89); Herman (89-91); Osinsky (91-96); Rykova (96-100); final, Lenin's word (101-109); Bukharin (109-116); adoption of a resolution on the draft program (116-117); elections of the program commission (117-118).
SESSION FOUR (morning of March 20) (119-161).
Discussion of the third item on the order of the day - attitude towards the Communist International (119-145); Zinoviev's report (119-141); debate on the issue of the Comintern (141-145); Torchinsky's speech (141-142); Milutina (143); final words of Zinoviev (143-145); adoption of resolution (145); discussion of point 4 of the order of the day - martial law (145-160); Sokolnikov's report (146-155); co-report by V. Smirnov (155-160); Sapronov's proposal (161).
FIRST MEETING OF THE ORGANIZATIONAL SECTION (evening of March 20) (162-188).
Zinoviev's report (162-164); co-report by Osinsky (165-169); Nogin's speeches (169-171); Sapronova (171-173); Sosnovsky (173-176); Skrypnik (176-177); Avanesova (177-179); Kaganovich (179-181); Muranova (181); Ignatiev (182-183); Osinsky's final words (184-185); Zinoviev (185-187); adoption of resolution (187); commission elections (188).
SECOND MEETING OF THE ORGANIZATIONAL SECTION (morning of March 21) (89-227).
Osinsky's report (189-199); Ignatov's speeches (199-201); Antonov (201-203); Sapronova (903-203); Volina (205-207); Avanesova (207-211); Minkova (211-213); Mgeladze (213-215); Kaganovich (215-217); Latsis (217-218); Osinsky's closing remarks (218-220); Zinoviev (220-226); adoption of resolution (227).
FIRST MEETING OF THE AGRICULTURAL SECTION (evening of March 20) (228-250).
Kuraev's report on land policy (228-243); debate on the issue of land policy - speeches by Gorshkov (243-244); Lishaeva (244-245); Milyutin (245-248); Pakhomov (248-249).
SECOND MEETING OF THE AGRARIAN SECTION (morning of March 21) (251-259).
Opening a private meeting (251); Kostelovskaya's report on work in the village (251-255); opening of the meeting of the agricultural section (256); debate on Kuraev's report on land policy - Ivanov's speeches (256-257); Polyanina (257-258); Milyukova (258-259).
THIRD MEETING OF THE AGRARIAN SECTION (evening of March 22) (260-272).
Continuation of the debate on reports on land policy and work in the countryside (260-272); speech by the chairman (Lunacharsky) with a proposal on the procedure for further work (260); speeches by Kuraev (260) Philip (261); Milyutin (261-262); Sudika (263); Pavlova (263); Panfilova (263-264); Savelyeva (264); Kvasnikova (264-265); Pakhomova (265); Ivanova (265-266); Sergusheva (266); Mitrofanova (266-270); Lunacharsky (270); Ivanova (270-271); Milutina (271); Lunacharsky (271); Mitrofanova (271); Nemtseva (271); Minina (272); Palitkova (272); commission elections (272); closing section (272). Report from the editorial commission on the minutes of the meeting of the military section and the closed plenary meeting of the congress (272).
SESSION SIX (morning of March 22) (273-301).
Election of a commission to develop a resolution on a military issue (273); report of the credentials commission - report of Stasova (273-274); debate on the report - speeches by Minkov (274); Vetoshkina (275); final words (276); approval of the report of the Credentials Committee (277); discussion of organizational issues (277-301); Zinoviev's report (277-294); additional reports: Sosnovsky - on the press (94-295); Kollontai - about work among women (295-300); Shatskina - about work among young people (300-301).
SESSION SEVEN (evening of March 22) (302-336).
Continued discussion of the organizational issue (302-324); co-report by Osinsky (302-313); singing on the organizational issue - Sapronov’s speeches (313-315); Lunacharsky (316-318); Osinsky's closing remarks (318-321); Zinoviev’s announcement of a radio telegram on the proclamation of a Soviet Republic in Hungary (321); Rudnyansky's speech (321-322); instructions to Lenin to send a greeting by radio to the government of Soviet Hungary (322); continuation of the discussion of the organizational issue - Zinoviev’s final word (322-324); adoption of a core resolution and three additional resolutions (324); report of the audit commission (325); approval of the report (323); discussion of the report of the program commission (326-335); Kamenev's report (326-335); announcement by the chairman of additional information about the events in Budapest (333); continuation of the discussion of the report of the program commission - Pyatakov’s speech with the announcement of the amendment (335-336); voting (336); adoption of the party program (336).
SESSION EIGHTH (evening of March 23) (337-364).
Discussion of the report of the commission on the issue of military policy (337-338); Yaroslavsky's report (337-338); adoption of resolution (338); discussion of the issue of the procedure for elections of the Central Committee (338-339); discussion of the report on work in the village (339-361); Lenin's report (339-353); speeches by Lunacharsky (353); Pakhomov (353-356; Lenin (357); Lunacharsky (357); extraordinary statement by Sadoul with respect to the memory of the executed Jeanne Labourbe (357-358); continuation of the debate on work in the village - Panfilov’s speech (358-361); adoption of a resolution (361 ); elections of the Central Committee (361); Lenin’s speech at the closing of the congress (361-364); closing of the congress (364).
CONGRESS MATERIALS (365-429).
I. Resolutions and resolutions (365-425).
1. According to the report of the Central Committee (365).
2. About the draft program (365).
3. Program of the RCP (b) (379).
4. About the Communist International (401).
5. On a military issue. (401-411).
A. General provisions (401).
B. Practical measures (410).
6. On the organizational issue (411-417).
A. Party building (411-415).
1. Party growth (411).
2. Connection with the masses (412).
3. Central Committee and local organizations (412).
4. Internal structure of the Central Committee (413).
5. National organizations (413).
6. Existence of special organizations (414).
7. Centralism and discipline (414).
8. Distribution of party forces (414).
9. Training of party workers (414).
10. “News of the Central Committee” (414).
11. Party charter (415).
B. Soviet construction (415-416).
1. Composition of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (415).
2. Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (415).
3. Councils and executive committees (415).
4. Involvement of all workers in the councils (415).
5. Socialist control (415).
B. Relations between the party and the councils (416-417).
7. On the attitude towards the middle peasantry (417).
8. About political propaganda and cultural and educational work in the village (420).
9. About work among the female proletariat (423).
10. About work among young people (423).
11. About the party and Soviet press (424).
12. About the Central Committee (425).
13. About the audit commission (425).
II. Greetings of the VIII Congress of the RCP(b) (426-427).
1. To the Communist International (426).
2. Red Army (426).
3. To the Government of the Hungarian Soviet Republic (426).
4. Comrade Lorio (426).
5. To Comrade Radek (427).
III. Address of the VIII Congress of the RCP(b) to party organizations (428).
IV. Rules of the Congress (429).
APPLICATIONS (430-471).
I. Reports of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) (430-447).
A. Organizational report of the Central Committee (430-445).
1. Organizational work (430).
2. Activities of the secretariat (430-433).
a) Reports, reports, correspondence (430).
b) Reception of delegates (432).
c) Questionnaires (433).
3. Publishing activities (433).
4. Report of the Central Bureau of Muslim Organizations of the RCP (Bolsheviks) (433).
5. Report on the activities of the Federation of Foreign Groups (434-439).
a) General report (434).
b) Report of the German Group (436).
c) Report of the Hungarian Group (437).
d) Report of the Central Committee of the Czech-Slovak Group (438).
e) Report of the South Slavic group (438).
6. Communication with organizations (439).
B. Cash report of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) (448-449).
II. Appeal from the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the RCP(b) (448).
III. Composition of the congress, its sections and commissions (449-465).
1. Voting delegates (449).
2. Delegates with advisory vote (459).
3. Organizational section (463).
4. Military section (464).
5. Agrarian section (464).
6. Presidium (465).
7. Secretariat (465).
8. Program Commission (465).
9. Organizing commission (465).
10. Military commission (465).
11. Agrarian Commission (465).
12. Audit Commission (465).
13. Credentials Committee (465).
14. Editorial committee (465).
IV. Questionnaire about the personnel of the congress (466-470).
V. Factual amendment (471).
NOTES (472-517).
INDEXES (519-557).
Dictionary-index of names (519).
Subject index (548).
ILLUSTRATION
Book cover: “VIII Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks)” - 1919 (3).
From the editor: The Eighth Party Congress has an outstanding place in the history of our party. At this congress, the party program that is still in force was adopted. Associated with this congress is a resolution on a strong alliance with the middle peasantry and other decisions of world-historical significance...
